WEG MediaWiki

Difference between revisions of "Social: Pirtuni"

(Created page with "140 Category:Caucasus Category:Pirtuni Category:Social ''This page is a section of Pirtuni.'' As a long-standing meeting place of the Europ...")
 
m (Criminal Activity)
 
(9 intermediate revisions by 4 users not shown)
Line 1: Line 1:
[[Category:DATE|140]]
+
[[Category:DATE]]
 
[[Category:Caucasus]]
 
[[Category:Caucasus]]
 
[[Category:Pirtuni]]
 
[[Category:Pirtuni]]
 
[[Category:Social]]
 
[[Category:Social]]
''This page is a section of [[Pirtuni]].''
+
<div style="font-size:0.9em; color:#333;">
 +
[[Caucasus|DATE Caucasus]]/[[Europe]] &gt; [[Pirtuni]] &gt; '''{{PAGENAME}}''' &larr;You are here
 +
</div>
 +
<div style="float:right;">__TOC__</div>
  
As a long-standing meeting place of the European and Middle Eastern civilizations, Atropian society possesses social elements from both Europe and the Middle East. This is reflected in a culture that embraces the emphasis on higher education as in Europe, along with the social conservatism and traditions of Islam. Many Atropians enjoy a high education level, and some are bilingual. Atropian authorities place much emphasis on their vision of social order, which includes suppression of journalists and restrictions on religious organizations and celebrations. Atropia and the US enjoy a history of cooperation, and this will likely continue into the future.
 
  
Atropians consider themselves a branch of the Kalarian people and spoken Atropian is linguistically similar to Kalarian. In addition to their links with Kalaria, Atropians have links with Ariana, especially to the large Atropian minority there. Any Arianian attacks on the Atropian minority in Ariana, however, could trigger a reaction from the Atropian government or the people living along the Atropia/Ariana border.
+
Pirtunian Slavic peoples comprise about 78% of Pirtuni’s population; ethnic Donovians rank as the country’s most significant minority, with 17% of the population. Small enclaves inhabited by several other ethnic groups, including Jews, Magyars, and tribes with roots in the Caucasus, account for the remaining 5% of the total population. Among these, the long-suffering Vandars, whose heritage is grounded in the Mediterranean-North Africa region, are by far the most oppressed historically.
 +
 
 +
Pirtunian Slavs consider themselves to be a cut above neighboring cultures with whom they are compelled to share the same territory, and have a past record of extreme discrimination when interacting with peoples of Mediterranean-North African origins. When dealing with Slavic counterparts in Eastern European countries, they exhibit a tendency toward discrimination that is only slightly milder. Since the late twentieth century, owing primarily to increasing multicultural pressures tied to increased trade and the growing financial influence of Western Europe, the collective Pirtunian outlook has become marginally more cosmopolitan, with two major exceptions: an abiding hostility toward all things Donovian, and extreme distrust of anything perceived as threatening traditionally conservative religious views, particularly lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender (LGBT) activism.
 +
 
 +
Pirtuni has a long history of military prowess and intense nationalism, despite being historically overshadowed in these venues by the overwhelming military power and geopolitical influence of neighboring Donovia. When the latter suffered an almost complete financial collapse in the aftermath of the notorious Four Traitors incident, nationalistic fervor and political consciousness inside Pirtuni increased proportionately in tandem with the growing severity of the unfolding scandal.
 +
 
 +
Pirtunian, the official language of Pirtuni, is the lingua franca of public administration, the armed forces, and the scientific and technical communities. In provinces north and east of the Dnieper River, as well as selected others bordering the Black Sea and Sea of Azov, Donovian is used in courts, schools, and other government institutions. The literacy rate among Pirtunians stands at nearly 100%, except in a very few isolated areas dominated by a smattering of religious minorities that persist in clinging to exceptionally eccentric views on education.
 +
 
 +
Pirtuni’s population is overwhelmingly Christian (80%), including mostly Orthodox Christians, Pirtunian Catholics, and Protestants. Followers of Islam and adherents to the Jewish faith respectively account for 17% and 3% of the total population. Pirtuni’s government is ostensibly secular, and most of its citizens are tolerant and believe in the separation of church and state. That said, some of the country’s laws, policies, and religiously-motivated officials tend to marginalize those elements of the population who are non-Christian or perceived as pursuing anti-Christian lifestyles.
  
__TOC__
 
  
 
==Social Statistics for Ariana, Atropia, Gorgas, Limaria, and Donovia==
 
==Social Statistics for Ariana, Atropia, Gorgas, Limaria, and Donovia==
 
{| class="wikitable"
 
{| class="wikitable"
|'''Statistic'''
+
| colspan="5" |'''Social Statistics of Pirtuni'''
 +
|-
 +
|'''Measure'''
 
| colspan="3" |'''Data'''
 
| colspan="3" |'''Data'''
 
|'''Rank'''
 
|'''Rank'''
 
|-
 
|-
|'''Age distribution (%)'''
+
|'''Age distribution (%)'''
|0-14 years: 23.9
+
|0–14 years: 15
|15-64 years: 69.4
+
|15–64 years: 69
|65 years and over: 6.7
+
|65 years and up: 16
 
|
 
|
 
|-
 
|-
|  
+
|'''Median age (years)'''
'''Median age'''
+
|Total: 42
|Total: 28.5
+
|Male: 40
|Male: 26.9
+
|Female: 43
|Female: 30.3
 
 
|
 
|
 
|-
 
|-
|'''Life'''
+
|'''Life expectancy (years)'''
 
+
|Total: 72
'''expectancy'''
+
|Male: 66
 
+
|Female: 76
'''at birth in'''
+
|150
 
 
'''years'''
 
 
 
'''(Rank)'''
 
|Total: 66.66
 
|Male: 62.53
 
|Female: 71.34
 
|157
 
 
|-
 
|-
|'''Literacy'''
+
|'''Literacy rate (older than 15; %)'''
 
+
|Total: 99.8
'''rate (older'''
+
|Male: 99.8
 
+
|Female: 99.7
'''than 15)'''
 
 
 
'''(%)'''
 
|Total: 98.8
 
|Male: 99.5
 
|Female: 98.2
 
 
|
 
|
 
|-
 
|-
 
|'''Population'''
 
|'''Population'''
| colspan="3" |8,372,373
+
| colspan="3" |45,000,000
|
+
|30
 
|-
 
|-
|'''Growth rate'''
+
|'''Population growth rate (%)'''
 
+
| colspan="3" |1
| colspan="3" |0.846%
+
|230
|129
 
 
|-
 
|-
|'''Birth rate'''
+
|'''Birth rate (per 1,000)'''
 
+
| colspan="3" |11
'''per 1,000'''
+
|180
 
 
| colspan="3" |17.62
 
|117
 
 
|-
 
|-
|'''Death rate'''
+
|'''Death rate (per 1,000)'''
 
+
| colspan="3" |15
'''per 1,000'''
+
|2
 
 
| colspan="3" |8.30
 
|101
 
 
|-
 
|-
|'''Net'''
+
|'''Net migration rate (per 1,000)'''
 
+
| colspan="3" | -2.0
'''Migration'''
+
|170
 
 
'''rate per'''
 
 
 
'''1,000'''
 
 
 
| colspan="3" |<nowiki>-1.69</nowiki>
 
|129
 
 
|-
 
|-
|'''Urban'''
+
|'''Urban population (%)'''
 
+
| colspan="3" |70
'''population'''
 
 
 
| colspan="3" |52%
 
 
|
 
|
 
|-
 
|-
|'''Annual'''
+
|'''Annual urbanization rate (%)'''
'''urbanization'''
+
| colspan="3" | -0.33
 
 
'''rate'''
 
| colspan="3" |1.0%
 
 
|
 
|
 
|-
 
|-
|'''Fertility'''
+
|'''Fertility rate (per woman)'''
 
+
| colspan="3" |1.5
'''rate'''
+
|150
 
+
|-
'''(Children'''
+
|'''Infant mortality rate (per 1,000)'''
 
+
| colspan="3" |8
'''per woman)'''
 
 
 
|2.03
 
|
 
 
|
 
|
|127
 
 
|-
 
|-
|'''Infant'''
+
|'''Ethnic groups (%)'''
 
+
| colspan="3" |Pirtunian (78); Donovian  (17); Other—Jewish, Magyan, Indo- European (5)
'''mortality'''
 
 
 
'''rate'''
 
 
 
| colspan="3" |54.6
 
|46
 
|-
 
|'''Ethnic groups (%)'''
 
| colspan="3" |Atropian: 90.6
 
 
 
Gilak: 2.2
 
 
 
Arianian: 3.0
 
 
 
Donovian Arab: 1.8
 
 
 
Limarian: 1.5
 
 
 
Other 0.9
 
 
|
 
|
 
|-
 
|-
|'''Religions in'''
+
|'''Religions (%)'''
 
+
| colspan="3" |Pirtunian Orthodox (66); Other Christian (14); Muslim (17); Jewish
'''OE (%)'''
 
| colspan="3" |Shia Muslim: 89.0
 
 
 
Sunni Muslim: 6.9
 
 
 
Limarian Apostolic: 2.3
 
  
Other: 1.8
+
(3)
 
|
 
|
 
|-
 
|-
|'''Languages'''
+
|'''Languages (%)'''
| colspan="3" |Atropian ('''''official'''''): 90.3
+
| colspan="3" |Pirtunian (67); Donovian (20); Magyan, Vandar, and Other (13)
 
 
Lezgi: 2.2
 
 
 
Donovian: 1.8
 
 
 
Limarian: 1.5
 
 
 
Other: 4.2
 
 
|
 
|
 
|-
 
|-
|'''Major diseases in the OE'''
+
|'''Major diseases'''
|Diarrheal diseases
+
| colspan="3" |Tuberculosis; Typhoid; Diarrheal diseases; HIV/AIDS
 
 
0  Hepatitis A
 
 
 
0  Hepatitis E
 
 
 
0 Typhoid
 
 
 
0 Cholera
 
 
 
0 Malaria
 
 
 
0 Crimean-Congo
 
 
 
0  Hemorrhagic fever
 
 
 
0 Gonorrhea
 
 
 
0 Chlamydia
 
 
 
0 Tuberculosis
 
 
 
0 Leptospirosis
 
 
 
0 Hantavirus
 
 
 
0  Hemorrhagic fever
 
 
 
0 Anthrax
 
 
 
0 Rabies
 
|
 
|
 
 
|
 
|
 
|}
 
|}
 +
 
==Population Movement (Migration/IDPs/Refugees)==
 
==Population Movement (Migration/IDPs/Refugees)==
The war in Lower Janga forced the movement of hundreds of thousands of ethnic Atropian refugees into Atropia, where they remain one of the largest reminders of the war today. Seventeen years after the end of the conflict, more than one-half million refugees remain unsettled. Atropia currently possesses one of the largest populations of internally displaced persons (IDPs) in Europe. The IDPs originate from one of the bloodiest, but relatively unknown, late 20th century wars that began 20 years ago between Atropians and Limarians. The three-year war killed over 30,000 on both sides, and the repercussions from the subsequent population displacement reverberate to the present day.
+
According to UN estimates, as the mutual trade embargo between Donovia and Pirtuni has intensified in recent years, more than 800,000 people have been displaced. Over time, the current economic troubles spawned the largest displacement in Europe since the first decade of the twentieth century. Of those displaced, 95% formerly resided in regions east of the Dnieper River, on the Azov Peninsula, and north of the Sea of Azov.
  
Seventeen years ago, an internationally brokered ceasefire ended the conflict, though the Atropian and Lower Jangan government forces continue to exchange sporadic fire. The former Atropian residents of Lower Janga refuse to return to the separatist province. Lower Janga officially remains a province of Atropia, but the “Independent Republic of Lower Janga” (supported by Limaria) politically and militarily controls the area. Minor conflict along the province’s border continues, as both sides often exchange small arms fire.
+
Distinguishing between Pirtuni’s internally displaced persons (IDPs) and refugees can be problematic. Many have gravitated toward Pirtuni’s western borders in search of farm work, and also in hopes of
  
For the most part, Atropia failed to integrate the Atropian Lower Janga refugees due to a variety of factors. While monetary resources remain the primary issue, the Atropian government’s official negotiation position remains that the IDPs possess the political right to return to their homes in the Lower Janga enclave. Recently, however, the Atropian government and nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) increased the resources to support the refugees and exerted additional effort to normalize the IDPs’ lives and status.
+
being situated in closer proximity to some of Europe’s more lucrative market-oriented economies. Meanwhile an estimated 387,000 Pirtunian-born ethnic Donovians have applied for refugee status or permanent residency in that country; the total number of Pirtunian-born persons currently residing in Donovia is uncertain. Historically, neither country required visas or other official travel documents to move freely back and forth across their common border. As the Donovia/Pirtuni feud deepened, conditions for disadvantaged elements in Pirtuni already occupying the bottom-most rung on the economic ladder grew even worse, adding fuel to the population displacement crisis.
  
The refugees’ status slowly shows signs of normalization, as the situation’s permanency and continued Limarian control of Lower Janga become a de facto element of Atropian political life. By four years ago, the Atropian government had replaced most tent camps with permanent dwellings. Government services and economic opportunities available to IDPs outside major cities, however, remain extremely limited. This conflict, although unofficial at this point, still negatively affects the lives of those displaced. The IDP integration into Atropian society will continue to tax the government’s resources. Even though the Atropians’ loss in the Atropia-Limaria conflict occurred 17 years ago, the defeat stills affects the Atropian population’s psyche today.
+
The Pirtunian government is shouldering a share of the burden to help the displaced. A law recently passed by parliament creates a registry that will track IDPs based on their locale of origin, and connect them with an administrative clearinghouse that will refer them to appropriate social relief agencies. The Greater Western European Co-prosperity Sphere is ramping up resettlement efforts that will provide grants to non-governmental organizations and local municipalities providing IDP aid and infrastructure re-invigoration/regeneration efforts to communities' hardest-hit by the chronic economic recession.
  
Migration is minimal, and usually consists of members of different ethnic groups repatriating to their country of origin.
+
All foreign citizens entering Pirtuni intending to work or reside there for periods exceeding 30 days must register with province-level branches of the State Immigration Service (SIS). Although Pirtunians are generally welcoming to Westerners, especially including Western Europeans, many foreign expatriates are forced to accept positions for which they are overqualified, and also to consign themselves to menial wages. The modest influx of foreigners has not been sufficient to generate resentment among locals relative to competition in the labor market; the greater problem has been an exodus of native workers abandoning their homeland to seek out economic opportunity and a better quality of life in countries throughout Western Europe, and in some cases even the United States. This situation has created a worldwide Pirtunian diaspora with strong economic and emotional connections to its homeland.
 +
==Population Distribution==
 +
Just under 70% of Pirtuni’s population is urban. The annual urbanization rate of growth is 0.33%. The most important urban areas are as follows: Kyiv (capital), population 2.942 million; Kharkiv, population
  
==Population Distribution==
+
1.441 million; Odessa, population 1.01 million; Dnipropetrovsk, population 987,000; Donetsk, population 934,000; and Zaporizhzhya, population 753,000.
Atropia reflects an increasingly urban population and just over half of all Atropians (52%) live in cities, with an annual urbanization rate of 1%. Baku, the capital, is the largest metropolitan area with over two million inhabitants, or one-quarter of the total national population. The cities of Ganja and Sumgayit both contain over  250,000 people, while six other cities possess populations of 50,000 or higher. The most obvious impact of urbanization is the adoption of more Western cultural elements (most noticeably in dress, gender roles, the importance of religion, and educational practices) in lieu of traditional Atropian practices, which is a classic pattern in many developing countries. Atropia’s ethnic Donovian population resides predominately in an enclave in the northeast tip of the country. This enclave is on the border with Donovia and has access to the Caspian Sea to the east.
 
  
 
==Demographic Mix==
 
==Demographic Mix==
Demographically, Atropia follows the classic trends for a balanced society. Women represent 50.7% of the total population, and females outlive males in Atropia by nine years, on average. About 2,336,611 males and 2,329,275 females belong to the 16-49 age group and serve as Atropia’s available manpower for military service. Of this 4.6 million, 3.7 million meet the medical standards for military service. About 84,441 males and 78,905 females reach military age annually in Atropia. It is likely that the maximum number of Atropian males ready for military service would top out at about 820,000. Atropia will likely always maintain a military advantage over its historical enemy Limaria due to its larger population, the greater number of people who reach military age each year, and its ability to fund the military through its hydrocarbon resources.
+
Seventy-eight percent of the country’s inhabitants are grounded in the Pirtunian Slavic heritage, with Donovians comprising the largest minority group, accounting for 17% of the population. The remaining 5% consists of Sephardic Jews, a smattering of Eastern European Slavic peoples, and a small Caucasus diaspora, mainly ethnic Vandars. As a consequence of a weak to nonexistent national tradition of diversity and ethnic coexistence, most minority groups in Pirtuni live in self-contained enclaves whose members prefer to minimize contact with outsiders, despite the fact that majority and minority populations all officially share a common nationality.
+
 
 +
The birthrate in Pirtuni is 11 births per thousand in population, which is lower than the death rate that stands at 15 per thousand. The population’s gender/sex ratio is about even until the 55–64 years age group level, with female Pirtunians subsequently tending to live longer than their male counterparts. Pirtuni performs poorly in all dimensions of population dynamics, including a total fertility rate substantially below that required to sustain population replacement, plus an excess of deaths over births that has prevailed since late in the last century.
 
==Social Volatility==
 
==Social Volatility==
Persistent conflict with Limaria exists as one of a few defining and unifying elements throughout Atropian society and creates high social volatility. The fallout over the Lower Janga conflict manifests itself as a legacy of external oppression, military defeat, and refugees. Moreover, the threat of conflict represents a useable tool for the Atropian government to justify a large military establishment and repressive internal measures. Few Atropians maintain positive feelings toward Limarians. With an increase in oil revenues and a generally positive growth in the Atropian economy, however, few Atropians harbor violent dissatisfaction with the current government. The Atropians will continue to support the current regime as indicated by the parliamentary election results last year. However, Southern Atropians do not feel represented by their government and are seeking the establishment of a separate country of ethnic Atropians that would exist in Atropia’s southern provinces and Ariana’s northwestern provinces.
+
For reasons connected with the demographic mix discussed above, Pirtuni’s social volatility is extremely high. The seismic economic upheaval produced by Donovia’s Four Traitors incident left many Pirtunians feeling that a unique historical moment had finally arrived that would let them assume their rightful place as a major Donovian rival. Many Pirtunian citizens of ethnic Donovian heritage now feel threatened by a new militant nationalism that currently pervades all walks of Pirtunian society.
  
While numerous reasons exist for internal conflict in Atropia, two main reasons stand out above all others—ethnocentrism (separatist movement) and nationalism. This internal strife devolved to irregular warfare as state and nonstate actors struggled to gain legitimacy and influence over the populace. Sporadic violence over the last decade targeted government entities and key leaders. Several foreign-supported anti-Atropian insurgent groups operate within Atropian territory. The two dominant groups in the area of operations are the South Atropian Peoples’ Army (SAPA) and Salasyl.
+
In some ethnic Donovian enclaves, ultra-Pirtunian radicalism has inspired a reactionary push-back phenomenon. Social awareness among ethnic Donovians is approaching a level of hypersensitivity sufficient to inspire growing numbers of them to seek refuge in the transnational True Pan-Donovian Movement. Purveyors of this cause exploit the nostalgic appeal of historical, ethnic, and cultural heritage to exhort prospective followers to agitate in favor of uniting all Donovian-speaking peoples under a single, overarching political regime.
  
Salasyl is the one of largest groups within Atropia, second only in size to SAPA. Its center of gravity is in the southeast portion of the country; however, the group is fully capable of (and does) conduct operations throughout the country. It is also reported that the group may have ties to transnational criminal and terrorist actors. The extent and dynamic of the relationship between Salasyl and these transnational actors are unknown at this time.
+
This turn of events has predictably stoked ethnic tensions between peoples who technically share a common birthright as Pirtunian citizens. The radical fringe of ultra-nationalists includes individuals who want to seize what they perceive as a unique historical/revolutionary moment by making their own personal contribution to a cause greater than themselves. Since the Four Traitors incident many militant super-patriots have joined the Pirtuni Forever insurgency, even to the extent of participating in its direct action cells that, over time, have become increasingly violent.
  
For the last two decades, Salasyl has engaged the current Atropian regime in a low-level insurgency. Salasyl foments violent opposition to the legitimate Atropian government by the local populace due to state taxation policies; lack of reliable public services such as electrical power, sewage, and potable water; substandard preventive medical services; lack of access to state education programs for working class citizens; and a state judicial system that illegally favors the political party currently in control of the government’s executive and legislative branches.
+
Other factors besides ethnicity have also created strain in Pirtuni. The country’s population has declined steadily since the late twentieth century, losing about 6.5 million over the past 25 years. Statistics maintained by the United Nations indicate that this downward trend in population will continue until 2050, when it is expected to bottom out at about 35 million. In contrast with some of its neighbors, most notably Donovia, the gap between deaths and births is continuing, and projected to stay on the same trajectory indefinitely.
  
Due to its lack of funding, Salasyl will ambush small police patrols (on foot or in a single vehicle) in order to obtain additional weapons. These attacks will usually only result in the capture of the police officers’ pistols and rifles. In extreme instances, Salasyl will raid a police station in a small town in order to obtain small arms and ammunition.
+
The premature mortality rate for working-age men, and increasingly for younger males as well, is at a crisis level. Poor lifestyle choices are fueling this downward spiral; these include excessive alcohol consumption, smoking, poor diet, and an almost total disregard for physical exercise. These issues are exacerbated by an inadequate healthcare delivery system, and a pervasive sense of social malaise stemming from stress typically grounded in individual feelings of little or no control over one’s personal destiny and expectations for the future. Approximately one-fifth of the country’s 18–30 year olds suffer from untreated hypertension.
  
SAPA, the other major insurgent group that relates culturally to Ariana, wants to create a separate country composed of southern Atropia and Ariana’s northwestern provinces that contain an ethnic Atropian majority. The SAPA feels that the South Atropian People’s Party (SAPP) carries little weight in the Atropian political system, and reforms to assist the local people show few signs of progress. The SAPA, while it operates throughout Atropia, focuses on eight provinces in southern and central Atropia due to cultural ties with Ariana. The SAPA operates in three separate major units—Northern, Central, and Southern Commands. The group conducts nearly all of its training in Ariana, where it receives most of its equipment and supplies. Reports indicate that Arianian Special Purpose Forces or other “advisors” may support the SAPA with logistics and training in the country. The Salasyl insurgents often clash violently with the SAPA over ideology, limited resources, and similar recruiting pools.
+
Pirtuni has the highest mortality rate from infectious disease (primarily HIV and tuberculosis) in the entire European region, surpassing even Donovia. HIV infection, however, remains a relatively low contributor to the country’s overall mortality rate, compared to deaths caused by non-communicable diseases and injuries. Life expectancy in Pirtuni is lower than in Western countries, but higher than in Donovia.
  
The Free Lower Janga Movement (FLJM) is a rebel group fighting Limarians in the greater Lower Janga region. The FLJM found a fertile recruiting ground in the IDP camps in northwestern Atropia. The FLJM is passively supported by the government of Atropia.
+
National demographic trends in Pirtuni are negatively impacting the country’s available personnel pool for military conscription (compulsory for males 20–27 years of age, including a 24-month period of active service). The number of Pirtunian military-age males has been trending downward since the turn of the century, and is expected to bottom out in a few years at a level about half of what it was when the decline began; little or no upswing is predicted for the foreseeable future. In the coming decades it goes almost without saying that trends impacting military-age males will fluctuate in tandem with those affecting the country’s national labor force: both personnel pools are shrinking.
  
Additional insurgent activity present in Atropia is focused around the Bilasuvar Freedom Brigade (BFB) operating in northern Vetlia and Erdabil provinces, and the Provisional Army of Lezgin (PAL) operating in southern Erdabil and western Sirvaki Provinces. Other groups and affiliates in Atropia find themselves sympathetic to pro-Western economic initiatives and social-political concepts of state governance.
+
Aggregate statistics reflecting Pirtuni’s national trends mask considerable regional variations affecting the age and health of local populations. Retirees and older populations concentrated in the country’s east, south, and center, as well as other factors related to health and disease—such as alcohol abuse and heart disease—translate into higher death rates in these regions than in the western part of the country. Life expectancy for men is 3–4 years higher in the west than in the south and east. Although western Pirtuni does not have a healthy population by developed world standards, in some respects it at least resembles the poorly-developed parts of the European Union, while the remainder of Pirtuni lags far behind.
 
 
There are two violent extremist organizations based on religion that operate in Atropia. The first is One Right Path (ORP), which is a violent extremist splinter group of about 5,000 active members whose goal is the establishment of a regional Islamic Caliphate. ORP practices a variant of the Shia faith and is aggressively expanding its territorial control by taking key cities and oil reserves in southeastern Atropia. While the group may operate anywhere in the region, the primary area is a quadrilateral from Astara, Atropia, to Yerevan, Limaria, to Tbilisi, Gorgas, to Mamedkala, Donovia, and then back to Astara. ORP wants to overthrow the Atropian government and wants to limit any influence in Atropia by Donovia. While there are rumors of some sort of association with Ariana, there is nothing confirmed by any authority. Ariana does not want to be publicly associated with ORP. The group tends to operate in Atropian cities with support from local Shia and is very organized, with a highly structured chain of command. In cities that have underground passageways, the group will often meet in them or use them to move clandestinely around the city. ORP assassinates Atropian government officials and ambushes small military/police formations that it can easily overcome. The group tends to finance itself by taking control of oil-rich areas and selling the products on the black market. Its weapons tend to come from the black market, stolen from the Atropian military or police, or possibly supplied by Ariana. ORP is a very effective user of modern INFOWAR techniques, including perception management and deception. The group uses the Internet to both finance its cause and to recruit new members. ORP often infiltrates its members over the Arianian/Atropian border in small numbers, usually less than five individuals. They sometimes will link up with other ORP members, but at other times will form their own cell. The cells will operate independently or, in some instances, some of the cells may join together to conduct larger operations.
 
 
 
The second violent extremist splinter group is The True Believers (TTB), a Sunni-based group of about 5,000 members. Its goal is the transformation or elimination of any Muslims of the Shia faith, but eventually a worldwide Islamic Caliphate. TTB believes that slow and steady wins the race and tends to attempt to convert all Muslims to its version of Islam by face-to-face conversations. The group refuses to work with any group that does not believe as it does. TTB is doctrinally opposed to both Atropian and Arianian governments because the majority of the countries’ residents are of the Shia faith. The group only tolerates Donovia because the country is primarily Sunni. TTB does not generally work outside its area of operation, which is basically a quadrilateral from Makhachkala, Donovia, to Balakan, Atropia, to Lakeran, Atropia, to Baku, Atropia, and then back to Makhachkala. The group tends to start in the rural areas, slowly converting others to its variant of Islam and hiding in small villages in northern Atropia or in hideouts in the forested mountains in that part of the country. While TTB may attack Atropian government officials, it also clashes with Shia or other civilian nonbelievers unless they convert to the Sunni faith. TTB is very scattered, with small separate cells operating all over the area, and it may appear that there is not much structure to the group. The group uses primarily small arms, as it suffers from a dearth of heavy weapons. Most of its small arms come from the black market and are tier 3 or 4 at best. TTB seeks to intimidate any of the Shia faith so they will convert, and when the group senses weakness it will take control of a village or area. If that area has oil, TTB will sell it on the black market. There is no open relationship between Donovia and TTB, but there are some politicians in the Donovian government who believe in the aims of the group. Due to working primarily in rural areas, the group seldom uses the Internet in its INFOWAR campaign, but focuses on methods that do not use electronics—such as executions—as a means to get its point across to the other residents.
 
  
 
==Education Level==
 
==Education Level==
There is a relatively high level of education among the Atropian population. The UN Human Development Index indicates an adult Atropian literacy rate of 98.8%. Atropian public education expenditures, however, remain comparatively low by regional standards. Atropia spends about 2.8% of its Gross National Product (GNP) on education. Along with stagnant spending, Atropian education demonstrates unsatisfactory progress, as 55% of students fail to meet the minimum score  for national university entrance exams.
+
Pirtuni enjoys a literacy rate that exceeds 99.5% for both males and females. Government officials and agencies make the country’s educational system the recipient of benevolent attention and abundant resources. Widespread educational institutions are the norm, from day-care and kindergarten through university and conservatory levels. Elementary/primary education is compulsory, and begins at the age of 6–7 years. Basic School, the second and highest level of national compulsory education, provides a link to trade schools, institutions of higher learning, and other continuous-education systems. Upon completion of Basic School, students aged 14–16 receive a completion certificate that enables them to pursue more-advanced educational opportunities at their own discretion. Unfortunately, the prolonged economic downturn brought on by the aftershocks of the Donovian Four Traitors incident as well as a trade embargo with Donovia have forced many young Pirtunians with advanced degrees to accept low- paying positions for which they are profoundly overqualified.
Atropia maintains a robust higher education system with a number of colleges and universities. Many Atropian colleges have partnered with Western universities, including American ones. While Atropia enjoys high literacy, the government will need to invest additional resources to adequately prepare Atropian children for college, meet the increased demands of a global economy, and provide proper stewardship for Atropia’s oil wealth. For the immediate future, it remains likely that Atropia will educate enough of its populace to exploit the country’s hydrocarbon resources and make up any shortfalls by the importation of skilled labor from other countries.
 
  
 
==Ethnic Diversity==
 
==Ethnic Diversity==
Atropia is almost entirely ethnically Atropian with a few non-Atropians who primarily reside in border areas or Baku. The official government census probably undercounts ethnic minorities, as the official numbers of the smaller ethnic groups consistently vary from self-counts and academic assessments. Atropians represent 90.6% of the total population while Arianians represent 3%, Gilani represent 2.2%, and Donovians 1.8%. A number of smaller groups that include Limarians in the Lower Janga area comprise the remainder. Atropians dominate almost all facets of the country's political, social, and economic life. While no minority harbors considerable anti-Atropian sentiment, non-Atropians hold no significant status in the country’s cultural, economic, or social life.
+
Pirtuni has a diverse range of ethnic groups, each of which has a distinctive culture and belief system. Currently a majority of the population self-identifies as either Pirtunian or Donovian. However, there are lesser-known ethnic groups that have resided inside the country for centuries. According to a commonly-accepted standard of sociology, an ethnic group is a band of people who share a common historical tradition and identity, and in some cases a geographical residence. Seventy-eight percent of Pirtuni’s citizens are grounded in the Pirtunian Slavic heritage, with Donovian Arabs comprising the country’s largest minority group, accounting for 17% of the population. The remaining 5% of the citizenry include a smattering of Eastern European Slavic peoples, Sephardic Jews, and a small enclave of ethnic Vandars who live in self-contained enclaves and claim historic ties to the North Caucasus region. Westerners should bear in mind that ethnic diversity in Pirtuni bears little or no resemblance to the kind of cultural “melting pot” concept familiar among North Americans, for example. Peaceful coexistence is the exception rather than the rule in Pirtuni, where cultural enmity has persisted for centuries and where wars and revolutions have too often provided a pretext for settling ancient cultural scores.
  
 
==Religious Diversity==
 
==Religious Diversity==
The percent of Atropians who consider themselves Muslim is 95.9, but polls suggest that only about 21% of Atropians believe religion plays an important factor in their daily life. Eighty-nine percent of Atropian Muslims belong to the Shia sect, and 6.9 % are Sunni. Additionally, 2.3% are Limarian Apostolic.
+
Religion in Pirtuni is fairly homogenous, from the vantage point of its largest ethnic groups. The country’s population is overwhelmingly Christian, including mostly Orthodox Christians, Pirtunian Catholics, and Protestants. The Pirtunian Catholic Church is an historical offshoot of the Church of Rome, but neither church recognizes the other’s authority. Followers of Islam and adherents to the Jewish faith respectively account for 17% and 3% of the total population. Pirtuni’s government is ostensibly secular, and most of its citizens are tolerant and believe in the separation of church and state. That said, some of the country’s laws, policies, and religiously-motivated officials tend to marginalize those elements of the population who are non-Christian.
 +
==Common Languages==
 +
Language is another cultural factor reflective of Pirtuni’s homogeneity. Pirtunian, the country’s official language, is the lingua franca of public administration, the armed forces, and the scientific and technical communities. Sixty-seven percent of the population speaks the official language. Legislation passed three years ago provides for establishing regional languages in provinces where non-Pirtunian cultures predominate. Thus as an exception and for all practical purposes, in all provinces north and east of the Dnieper River, as well as those bordering the Black Sea and the Sea of Azov (Sandini, Tazini, and Zanzini), Donovian is used in courts, schools, and other government institutions. Twenty percent of Pirtuni’s citizens consider Donovian to be their native tongue.
 +
 
 +
==Criminal Activity==
 +
Crime assumes a number of different guises in Pirtuni, and typical offenses include corrupt activities undertaken to line the pockets of corporate magnates and public officials at all levels. Drug trafficking, counterfeiting, illegal wildcat mining, and smuggling a broad spectrum of consumer goods all offer lucrative opportunities for extra-legal profiteering. Organized crime families have successfully penetrated most, if not all, of these illegal activities. Pirtuni’s most prominent organized crime families include the Lysenko Brothers—Aleksander and Anton—who lead a criminal gang of about 50 members that operates throughout the Azov Peninsula; the Bonarenkos, a criminal network that operates primarily in Donetsk in eastern Pirtuni; and the Supremum, a transnational criminal organization headquartered in Odesa, but with tendrils that reach throughout Pirtuni and ultimately link to worldwide criminal networks.
  
While religion does not color daily life like in neighboring Ariana, data suggests that some Atropians, especially the young, increasingly self-identify as Muslims. Fifteen years ago, the Atropian government implemented a variety of methods to control incipient Islamization. These programs include the deportation of foreign (predominately Arianian) religious instructors, arrest and conviction of pro-Arianian religious elements for espionage, and the subjugation of other religious elements to government oversight. This oversight allows for government approval of mullahs and other religious authorities. Other religions require government approval, and the Atropian government uses these actions to control other religions, such as Christianity.
+
Because energy resources, infrastructure, and production are so vitally important, not only as a sector of the national economy but also as a widespread means of earning a livelihood, it is small wonder that illegal coal mining has surfaced as a major problem north and east of the Dnieper River. Three years ago it was estimated that coal sales occurred at a rate more than 10% above that reflected in official  records. Throughout this region small illegal mines, called kopankas, produce coal far more cheaply than official mines—primarily because it is not taxed, but also because illegal extraction methods can proceed with no regard whatever for limitations on hours worked, workers’ quality of life, or safety hazards. The result is that Pirtuni now has a national reputation for excessive mine-related deaths and injuries that is only exceeded by Olvavna. The Supremum criminal organization is known to be involved with these extra- legal mining operations, which frequently cross the boundary between Pirtuni and Donovia, and occasionally cross other international boundaries between Pirtuni and neighboring countries in Eastern Europe.
  
Atropia risks the creation of a situation where the lack of political representation creates the conditions for the rise of militant political Islam, as seen in Egypt or Ariana in the 1970s. In both cases, the lack of political pluralism funneled discontent into religious extremism. The Atropian government seems willing to run that risk as seen by its limitation on public Ashura celebrations, an important Shia holiday.
+
These illegal mining activities could not happen without the complicity of corrupt political, business, and organized crime networks that conspire to market contraband coal by selling tonnage kept invisible in officially-maintained records. Three years ago, Pirtuni’s Deputy Minister of Energy confirmed that only 24 official mines remained open north of the Dnieper River. Some unemployed miners, desperate over the prospect of prolonged wholesale mine closures, feel they have no alternative but to work in illegal mines because these at least remain open and constitute a lifeline, however dangerous, that offers affected families a chance at economic survival.
+
==Human Rights==
==Common Languages==
+
Pirtuni’s record on human rights reflects a commendable aspiration to achieve a standard higher than what prevails among some of its Eastern European neighbors, and the country is gravitating toward embracing norms generally prevalent throughout Western Europe. Despite this positive note, Pirtuni’s
Atropian serves as the common language in Atropia, but Atropians often understand other languages. Different languages spoken by large numbers of Atropians include Donovian and Kalarian. By law, Atropian is the official language of Atropia, but the Atropian government protects the rights of “native” language speakers. Any US personnel who speak Donovian, Kalarian, or Atropian will likely find themselves with the ability to communicate with Atropian residents. Those who do not speak one of these three languages will need to use an interpreter.
 
  
==Criminal Activity==
+
human rights record is spotty at best, indicating progress in some areas, and stagnation, retrenchment, or even backsliding in others. Although the government now formally recognizes the legitimacy of international human rights codified in the United Nations charter, efforts to align domestic procedures and processes with these progressive standards have so far proved disappointing to observers in the international community.
[[File:Atropia_-_Smuggling_Tunnel_on_Arianian_and_Atropian_Border.png|thumb|Smuggling Tunnel on Arianian and Atropian Border]]
 
Atropia shows signs of increasingly violent crime and a high level of criminal activity. Baku, in particular, experiences a continuing problem with violent robbery gangs instead of the traditional pickpockets that inhabit many cities. However, nonviolent crimes such as theft remain the norm in Atropia. Terrorist elements have operated within Atropia in the past. Recently, terrorists targeted the American Embassy in Baku, but Atropian security forces arrested the plotters.
 
  
The US State Department strongly discourages travel within or around the borders of Lower Janga due to the threat of violence. As with many nations in the region, its central location and often corrupt police make Atropia a transit point for drugs, weapons,  and  trafficked  persons.   Most notably, Atropian law enforcement agents increased their drug seizures consistently over the last several years from 300 kilograms four years ago, to 600 kilograms three years ago, to over one metric ton of narcotics two years ago and over 1.25 metric tons last year. It remains unclear if these higher seizure figures resulted from additional narcotics traffic, increased police efficiency, or a combination of the two. A growing concern among law enforcement within Atropia is the increase in trafficking tunnels from bordering countries. These underground networks were created to shield criminal groups, such as the Donovian Mafia, and their nefarious smuggling activities from law enforcement agencies on both sides of the border. These underground facilities vary in complexity and can be quickly constructed. The exact amount of underground networks is unknown at this time; however, there are an estimated 20–30 operational tunnels.
+
Although allegations of international human rights violations committed by national and provincial-level officials have been substantiated in the past, Pirtunian authorities have made some systemic improvements. Foremost among these is the recently-established National Corruption Resistance Board of Pirtuni (NCRBP), appointment of an NCRBP director, and some preliminary measures initiated by a new Prosecutor General, appointed about two years ago. As yet it is too soon to gauge the effectiveness of these new agencies, but a stubborn, multi-year inquiry into complicity of government officials in human rights violations has so far resulted in few, if any, substantial convictions or administrative punishments. The Lysenko Brothers, the Bonarenkos, and the Supremum lead the list of suspects alleged to be actively involved in frustrating the efforts of the NCRBP.
  
Several phony social and nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) operate throughout Atropia. One of them is the Pan-Muslim Relief Society. This group portrays itself as an innocent charitable organization that provides shelter and a safe haven for victims displaced by violence in Lower Janga province. In reality, the society’s members prey on occupants of refugee camps, demanding “dues” and other favors in return for protection against eviction or physical violence. The National Social Media Foundation is another phony Atropian NGO. While claiming to be educational in nature, its members typically abuse their knowledge of technology by directing it toward antisocial purposes. Some disruptions fomented by this group protest government abuses, while others serve no other purpose than to spread anarchy or commit petty crimes. Perhaps the most notorious social group operating in Atropia is the Amali Diners’ Club. Its members claim that their banquets and raucous get-togethers are held for purely social and recreational purposes. In reality these gatherings provide a venue for collaboration on a variety of criminal and illegal agendas. Occasionally the police are called to quell violent outbreaks that erupt when attendees cannot come to an agreement.
+
Prevailing social attitudes among Christians as well as Muslims are stridently intolerant of lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender (LGBT) persons. Households headed by people in this demographic category are ineligible to receive legal protections and entitlements available to opposite-sex couples.
  
==Human Rights==
 
Most international monitoring groups consider the human rights situation in Atropia to be generally poor. Issues such as the government’s intervention in elections, deaths of journalists, and harsh treatment of police detainees make the Atropian human rights situation unsatisfactory by Western standards. If judged in concert with its regional neighbors, however, Atropia possesses a moderate human rights climate, especially compared to the repression found in Ariana. In addition, the Atropian government displays negative habits, such as police corruption and a biased judiciary that often serve the government’s political goals through the detention of political dissidents. Atropian citizens, however, generally trust their police forces, something unique when compared to Atropia’s regional neighbors. While the equality of women continues to slowly improve, significant gaps remain between the genders. Still, overall, Atropia is progressive in its politics and religion compared to Ariana, and its citizens enjoy a greater degree of freedom. Unless requested by the Atropian government, US personnel will probably not be called upon to enforce human rights except as designated by the Geneva Convention and other applicable rules of warfare.
 
 
 
==Centers of Social Power==
 
==Centers of Social Power==
The family serves as the primary social unit in Atropia. Some 95.9% of Atropians practice Islam. While 89% of Atropian Muslims are Shia, they do not practice their faith with the same fervor as their Arianian neighbors. Visitation to extended families serves as a primary social activity, especially in the rural areas.
+
The family serves as the cornerstone of Pirtuni’s society. Pirtunians typically celebrate many personal and professional occasions with large social gatherings attended by friends and family members. It is common practice for elderly family members to reside with their married offspring, although this practice proved dysfunctional in the wake of Donovia’s Four Traitors incident when the ensuing housing shortage in Pirtuni forced young couples to live in extremely cramped quarters with their parents.
 +
 
 +
Church leaders play an important role in ethnic Pirtunian culture, as almost everyone adheres to dominant variants of the Christian and Muslim faiths. As citizens of one of the first countries to establish Christianity as the official state religion, Pirtunians feel a connection to their faith that is increasingly exceptional among the various peoples of both Western and Eastern Europe. Consultation with clergy is the norm among Pirtunians when confronting any major life challenge or decision.
 +
 
 +
Before Donovia’s Four Traitor’s incident provoked a fundamental reconstitution of Pirtuni’s economic order, a social caste system grounded in a state-run, centrally-managed economy conferred a high social status on anyone with sufficient political clout to obtain luxury goods made available only to members of a ruling political elite. That former social caste system has since given way to a newer one, wherein a few corporate oligarchs have emerged as centers of social power because of immense wealth they have amassed over a short period of time. Members of this new elite now display their status by flaunting prestigious consumer goods available to anyone with sufficient cash to pay for them. Symbols of social power include cars, houses, luxury items, and fashionable clothes and jewelry.
 +
 
 +
Social and economic inequalities exacerbated by the blatant display of wealth amassed by the new elite class of oligarchs have alienated large segments of Pirtuni’s underprivileged classes. Resentment in some quarters has reached levels sufficient to breed widespread sympathy of the egalitarian/leveling gospel preached by supporters of the Pirtunian People’s Liberation Army (PPLA). Economically- disadvantaged people residing in the poorest neighborhoods in major metropolitan areas now serve as ad hoc personnel pools that offer high potential for PPLA recruiting efforts. Economic/social resentments in these neighborhoods have recently inspired violent protests and demonstrations directed against government authorities.
  
 
==Basic Cultural Norms and Values==
 
==Basic Cultural Norms and Values==
Atropia possesses a history of military service and directs its military focus at Limaria, a Christian nation. The three-year war over the Lower Janga region continued the Muslim-Christian conflict in the region. Atropia still believes that the Lower Janga region belongs to its country and ultimately wants to force the reunification of the two areas. This goal serves as a rallying cry and a point of honor for Atropia.
+
Pirtuni is a proud nation with a strong tradition of nationalistic spirit that borders on militarism. Although still overshadowed by Donovia’s overwhelming military power, the seismic economic upheaval produced by Donovia’s Four Traitors incident left many Pirtunians feeling that a unique historical moment had finally arrived that would let them assume their rightful place as a major Donovian rival. Many Pirtunian citizens of ethnic Donovian heritage now feel threatened by a new militant nationalism that currently pervades all walks of Pirtunian society.
 +
 
 +
Social interaction in Pirtuni is largely determined by a sense of etiquette prevalent throughout much of Europe. Some local idiosyncrasies include an unwritten law that requires business conversations to be conducted within a personal space of less than an arm’s length. A longstanding tradition of consuming alcohol at business meetings has continued well into the current century. Most Pirtunians are highly suspicious of anyone who declines an invitation to drink vodka.
  
 
==Customs and Practices==
 
==Customs and Practices==
 
{| class="wikitable"
 
{| class="wikitable"
|-
 
 
 
'''Meeting & Greeting'''
+
'''Meeting & Greeting'''
| 
+
|Pirtunians are very  conscious of professional and academic credentials. When initially meeting, they prefer to be addressed by their appropriate title and surname. If a colleague has neither a professional nor academic title, introductions using  the prefix “Pan” for men
Men shake hands and say ''Salam'' (peace). Women say ''Salam'', but do not shake hands. Female relatives may hug or kiss.
+
 
 +
or “Pani”  for women are a universally-accepted standard.
 
|-
 
|-
| 
+
|  
 
'''Visiting/ Hospitality'''
 
'''Visiting/ Hospitality'''
|Stand when an elderly person enters a room. Relatives and friends drop in unannounced.
+
|Pirtunians enjoy making small talk with people they know and feel they can trust. Such small talk  typically occurs at the beginning of a meeting in order to shore-up the  comfort level of everyone in attendance. Foreigners are best advised to allow  their Pirtunian colleagues to turn the conversation from personal topics to  business. Agendas are generally not strictly followed, since Pirtunians view  them as little more than very general guides/springboards
 
 
Host offers meal or tea with pastries, fruit, or candy.
 
  
Atropians rarely eat at restaurants and only on special occasions. The host pays the  entire bill and tip. If the host gives you a small bag of food to take home,  it is a sign that he wants you to leave.
+
for further discussion.
 
|-
 
|-
|  
+
| 
 
'''Manners'''
 
'''Manners'''
|In formal occasions, greet men with ''Bey'' and the man’s given (first) name.
+
|Pirtunians are very polite and hospitable people. Discussions with their fellow countrymen can become animated at times, but this is less the case when conversing with foreigners.
  
Use ''ami'' or ''dayi'' (uncle) after a man’s given name or ''hanum'' (Miss or Mrs.) after a woman’s given name. People of the  same age call each other by their first names.
+
Visitors to Pirtunian homes are often asked to remove their shoes; the host or hostess
  
Eat with fork in left hand and knife in right hand. The cook serves the meal to each person.
+
typically provides slippers for guests to wear.
 
|-
 
|-
|  
+
|'''Customs and Practices/ Cultural Dos & Don’ts'''
'''Cultural Dos & Don’ts'''
+
|Pirtunians typically  operate under traditional gender roles. Men will open doors for women, pour  their drinks, and light their cigarettes.
|Men are breadwinners; women take care of the home.
 
  
Women  are more traditional in rural areas than in urban areas. Neatness in clothing is valued.
+
Smoking is much more prevalent than it is in the  US and some other Western countries. Toasting is a very important part of Pirtunian culture, and most toasts are made with vodka.
  
Women sometimes wear heavy makeup.
+
Teetotalers  should be ready to invoke medical or other significant excuses for not  drinking.
 
+
|-
Men and women wear Western-style clothing, but traditional clothing may be worn in rural areas. Young women wear a light kerchief; older men wear a lambskin hat.
+
|  
 +
'''Gifts'''
 +
|Pirtunians bring flowers,  a bottle of imported liquor, chocolates, or pastries when invited to someone’s home. Gifts are customarily nicely wrapped, but usually not opened right away.
  
It is ok to point with the finger at objects, but not at people.
+
When conducting business in Pirtuni, gifts are not usually exchanged at a first meeting. Pirtunians  traditionally exchange gifts among family and close friends on birthdays and  the
  
The “thumbs-up” sign demonstrates acceptance or a positive response to a question.
+
Orthodox Christmas.
 
|-
 
|-
 
|  
 
|  
'''Gifts'''
 
|  
 
Guests bring gifts—flowers, candy, or pastries.
 
|-
 
|    
 
 
'''Taboos'''
 
'''Taboos'''
|Do not dress sloppily.
+
|When giving a gift of  flowers, only give in odd numbers and avoid yellow flowers and white lilies,  since these are associated with funerals.
  
Do not serve yourself at a meal
+
Some Pirtunians are superstitious and prefer to avoid shaking hands over a threshold, or even  passing an object over a threshold, since both of these gestures are thought  to bring bad
  
Remove shoes before entering a mosque.
+
luck.
 
 
Do not cross your legs, chew gum,  or smoke in the presence of elders. Do not raise your voice when speaking to  peers or elders.
 
 
 
Do not use the left hand for any interaction unless the right  hand is occupied.
 
 
 
Do  not use the “ok” sign with the index finger and thumb in a circle—it is  considered obscene. Atropians usually do not marry in the months of Muharram,  Safar, and Ramadan due to religious beliefs.
 
 
 
Do not talk openly about sex and the body in public areas.
 
 
|-
 
|-
| 
+
|  
'''Personal Space'''
+
'''Personal Space'''
| 
+
|Foreigners often perceive  that little, if any, allowance is made for personal space in Pirtuni.  Standing close in lines or very close when speaking is common. Also common is  cutting in lines or even shoving in crowds, and should not be taken  personally; no one ever apologizes for this. Metro systems in Pirtuni’s large  cities can be intimidating for people
No concept of personal space.
 
  
In lines or crowded spaces, Atropians prefer not to stand close to strangers of the opposite gender.
+
who have issues with claustrophobia.
|-
+
|
| 
+
{| class="wikitable"
'''Displays of Affection'''
 
 
|  
 
|  
Public displays of affection are  frowned upon, even more so in rural areas than urban areas.
 
|-
 
|   
 
 
'''Marriage Rituals'''
 
'''Marriage Rituals'''
|Marriage age for women is 18.
+
|“Pirtunian Wedding” is the formal name given to the traditional marriage ceremony, both in Pirtuni and in the Pirtunian diaspora. The traditional Pirtunian Wedding features a rich  assortment of folk music and singing, dancing, and visual art, with rituals dating  back to the pre-Christian era. Over time, ancient pagan traditions and symbols were assimilated into the Christian ceremony.
 
 
Despite a six-year-old Atropian law to outlaw bride kidnapping, ''qiz qacirmaq'' (capture) and ''goshulop gachmak''
 
 
 
(elopement) still take place.
 
 
 
If a woman is raped, her family considers the woman unpure and usually forces her to marry '''''the rapist'''''.
 
  
Normal marriage procedures: ''Preliminary Notification'' (check out the female); ''Prior Wooing'' (important family members from both sides meet); ''Wooing'' (families  meet to decide on the ''Mehriye'', or  marriage money for the girl); Engagement (entire families meet at the bride’s  house).
+
The wedding reception, called a Frondau, can last days and sometime weeks, with dancing,
  
People do a traditional dance—the ''Asma Kasma''—as they escort the bride to the groom’s house. People  do a traditional dance—the ''Anzali''—at  the wedding celebration.
+
singing,  long toasts, and a feast that may extend to the entire community.
 
|-
 
|-
| 
+
|   
 
'''Work Week/ Work Hours'''
 
'''Work Week/ Work Hours'''
|Monday to Friday, 40 hours per week with a Saturday-Sunday weekend.
+
|Pirtuni’s labor code institutionalizes the forty-hour work week. The code stipulates that the work  week is five days in length followed by two days off. Under the law,  businesses and organizations have an option of working 6 days a week with 1  day off if considered reasonable, but in any case the total number of hours  worked is not to exceed forty hours per week.
  
Normal work hours are 0900-1700, but late starts and long lunches are not uncommon.
+
Despite parameters  established by the labor code, occupational safety and health standards in Pirtuni are frequently disregarded because funding constraints limit the  number of officials
  
Restaurants in Baku usually open from 1100 to 2300 daily, but operating hours for rural restaurants depend on the clientele.
+
who inspect  workplaces, and labor laws provide for only minimal punishment of offenders.
 +
|-
 +
|  
 +
'''Concept of  Time'''
 +
|As a modernizing country  gravitating in the direction of sharing cultural standards of Western Europe,  Pirtunians make due allowance for the need to use time efficiently. Although they display a laid-back cultural flexibility in following agendas in their  business dealings, Pirtunians are more than capable of efficient time  management when the need arises as,
  
Bazaars are usually open only in the mornings.
+
for example, in the context of conducting military operations.
|-
 
 
'''Concept Of Time'''
 
 
More relaxed than the Western  world, but the urban areas such as Baku are becoming more time- conscious.
 
 
|-
 
|-
 
 
 
'''Dispute Resolution'''
 
'''Dispute Resolution'''
|  
+
|There are no specific  cultural methods for resolving disputes. Pirtuni’s past situates it within  the European cultural and historical traditions. Pirtunians therefore prefer  to resolve their differences through reason, persuasion, and discourse. When  this method fails, Pirtunians
No formal customs for dispute  resolution.
+
 
 +
rely on  their legal system for arbitration and conflict resolution.
 
|-
 
|-
 
|    
 
|    
 
'''Birth  Rituals'''
 
'''Birth  Rituals'''
|Relatives of newly married women like them to hold babies, put a baby on the newlyweds’ bed, and throw the bride’s veil on the branches of a  fruit-bearing tree to express their desires for the bride to become a mother.
+
|Birth-related rituals in  Pirtuni are especially important and delicate affairs, involving magic rituals and charms, and religious icons. Both a midwife and doctor are  present at birth, each with separate and carefully choreographed functions.  An important aspect of the midwife’s role is having consecrated herbs and  flowers on hand that, according to folk tradition, instill important traits  of character.
  
While pregnant, the woman tries to be cordial and affable for the baby’s health.
+
Christenings are consecrated on the tenth day following a birth. Godparent duties are  considered a high honor, never to be declined. A priest officiates at the church christening, which is usually followed by a small reception,  intentionally limited to a short duration
  
Pregnant women try to look at beautiful colors, still water, and the blue sky to have a healthy baby. After  the baby is born, others bathe it with salt so it will be truthful, bold, and  smart.
+
because of the mother’s need to rest. This event is normally held in the home or a local
  
When babies get their first tooththey receive a special meal of seven grains to make their teeth grow faster.
+
café, with friends and extended family in attendance.
 +
|-
 +
|   
 +
'''Death  Rituals'''
 +
|Pirtunians faithfully  observe ancient funeral traditions. A collective repast (wake) follows the  funeral service, and is repeated on the ninth and fortieth days, and then  again at six and twelve months after demise.
  
The baby’s fingernails and hair are not cut until the baby reaches the age of 1.  The nails are wrapped in a clean cloth and hidden in a crack in the floor or  wall. The parents keep the baby’s hair from its first haircut.
+
An annual remembrance day called Jabordny is commemorated the Sunday after Easter, when families gather at ancestral gravesites to once again bid farewell to the deceased.
|-
 
|    
 
'''Death Rituals'''
 
|When someone is dying, they are  made comfortable, distant relatives are called, and a clergyman is summoned to read the Koran.
 
  
After the person dies, his jaw, feet, and both thumbs are tied together. A funeral takes place less than 15  hours after death.
+
Jabordny’s Christian symbolism represents Christ’s victory over death, while its pagan
  
The body is washed and shrouded in white cloth by the same gender. The corpse is  buried without a coffin.
+
dimension signifies the linkage between spring and perennial rebirth in nature.
 +
|}
  
Ritual prayers  are performed along with comments about the person’s life. Condolence visits  last from 3-7 days at the house of the deceased.
+
==Summary==
 +
Pirtuni continues to endure the throes of accelerating cultural change and extreme economic stress that have lasted for two decades. Its society is pivoting away from a centralized, state-run economy, and toward one driven by the volatile dynamics of an open-market system. This seismic changeover was triggered by Donovia’s Four Traitors incident, and Pirtunians still suffer from its aftershocks. The great transition from centralized control to free-market capitalism soon bounded the economic sphere to wreak major changes in all dimensions of Pirtunian life.
  
Relatives  do not wear any new garments for 40 days (up to two years in some locations). In some areas, men do not shave for 40 days.
+
High inflation magnifies collective suffering and negatively impacts national morale. While the Four Traitors incident was still unfolding, inflation peaked at 10,000% per year. At the time, shoppers carried millions of konopkas (the national currency) to the market just to buy a loaf of bread. The quality-of-life crisis provided the basis for a cynical popular cliché that attested to everyone’s status as a millionaire. In more recent years, even with the benevolent intervention of Western financial institutions, the inflation rate has ranged between 50% and 100% annually.
  
''Halvah''  (sweet cake) is served at the cemetery on the special remembrance days for the deceased—3rd  day, 7th day, 40th day, and a year after death.
+
The way current drug prices affect patients is a serious matter. The leader of a patient advocacy group recently observed that drugs in Pirtuni cost as much as gold. Families go to the pharmacy and pay three times the former prices that prevailed prior to the Four Traitors incident, but salaries and pensions lag far behind incessant price increases. Stores in Pirtuni no longer attach price tags to big ticket items, which now far exceed the purchasing power of most shoppers. Meanwhile, utility rates soar as authorities impose ever-increasing austerity measures even as they revoke high subsidies that formerly helped citizens pay energy bills.
|}
 
  
==Summary==
+
Most people blame Donovia for the prolonged stress, and popular resentment has reached the point that Pirtunian shoppers now check product bar codes in support of a grassroots boycott of Donovian made products. Citizens seem resigned to the prospect of austerity measures lasting indefinitely, while watching their quality of life slide further down the scale. People are cynical about pervasive corruption and their own government’s waning ability to provide basic services. A general distrust of individuals occupying official positions of responsibility continues to increase over time. Although one bedraggled Pirtunian recently remarked that he had seen too much change for one lifetime, the country’s relentless rate of revolutionary change shows no sign of slowing for the foreseeable future.
Atropian society represents a secularized Muslim country. Atropia wants to adopt Western attitudes culturally while simultaneously seeking to retain traditional Atropian characteristics such as their language. While the Atropian government often acts heavy-handedly and exhibits some corruption, there is considerable latitude socially when measured against comparable neighbors, such as Ariana. The potential for fundamentalist Islamization of the Atropian population remains, especially as the response to a lack of political pluralism. Aggressive Islam, however, could well find rocky soil in Atropia, as the high levels of secularization will keep cultural Muslims from the adoption of an aggressive, politically Muslim identity. Atropians will likely continue their path to espouse more Western social standards as the population continues to become more urbanized. The effects of centuries of Islamic practices, however, will continue to echo in Atropian thought. The outcome will likely result in a uniquely Atropian state and maintain Atropia’s place as a cultural crossroads between the Islamic Middle East and Europe.
 

Latest revision as of 17:31, 25 January 2022

DATE Caucasus/Europe > Pirtuni > Social: Pirtuni ←You are here


Pirtunian Slavic peoples comprise about 78% of Pirtuni’s population; ethnic Donovians rank as the country’s most significant minority, with 17% of the population. Small enclaves inhabited by several other ethnic groups, including Jews, Magyars, and tribes with roots in the Caucasus, account for the remaining 5% of the total population. Among these, the long-suffering Vandars, whose heritage is grounded in the Mediterranean-North Africa region, are by far the most oppressed historically.

Pirtunian Slavs consider themselves to be a cut above neighboring cultures with whom they are compelled to share the same territory, and have a past record of extreme discrimination when interacting with peoples of Mediterranean-North African origins. When dealing with Slavic counterparts in Eastern European countries, they exhibit a tendency toward discrimination that is only slightly milder. Since the late twentieth century, owing primarily to increasing multicultural pressures tied to increased trade and the growing financial influence of Western Europe, the collective Pirtunian outlook has become marginally more cosmopolitan, with two major exceptions: an abiding hostility toward all things Donovian, and extreme distrust of anything perceived as threatening traditionally conservative religious views, particularly lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender (LGBT) activism.

Pirtuni has a long history of military prowess and intense nationalism, despite being historically overshadowed in these venues by the overwhelming military power and geopolitical influence of neighboring Donovia. When the latter suffered an almost complete financial collapse in the aftermath of the notorious Four Traitors incident, nationalistic fervor and political consciousness inside Pirtuni increased proportionately in tandem with the growing severity of the unfolding scandal.

Pirtunian, the official language of Pirtuni, is the lingua franca of public administration, the armed forces, and the scientific and technical communities. In provinces north and east of the Dnieper River, as well as selected others bordering the Black Sea and Sea of Azov, Donovian is used in courts, schools, and other government institutions. The literacy rate among Pirtunians stands at nearly 100%, except in a very few isolated areas dominated by a smattering of religious minorities that persist in clinging to exceptionally eccentric views on education.

Pirtuni’s population is overwhelmingly Christian (80%), including mostly Orthodox Christians, Pirtunian Catholics, and Protestants. Followers of Islam and adherents to the Jewish faith respectively account for 17% and 3% of the total population. Pirtuni’s government is ostensibly secular, and most of its citizens are tolerant and believe in the separation of church and state. That said, some of the country’s laws, policies, and religiously-motivated officials tend to marginalize those elements of the population who are non-Christian or perceived as pursuing anti-Christian lifestyles.


Social Statistics for Ariana, Atropia, Gorgas, Limaria, and Donovia

Social Statistics of Pirtuni
Measure Data Rank
Age distribution (%) 0–14 years: 15 15–64 years: 69 65 years and up: 16
Median age (years) Total: 42 Male: 40 Female: 43
Life expectancy (years) Total: 72 Male: 66 Female: 76 150
Literacy rate (older than 15; %) Total: 99.8 Male: 99.8 Female: 99.7
Population 45,000,000 30
Population growth rate (%) 1 230
Birth rate (per 1,000) 11 180
Death rate (per 1,000) 15 2
Net migration rate (per 1,000) -2.0 170
Urban population (%) 70
Annual urbanization rate (%) -0.33
Fertility rate (per woman) 1.5 150
Infant mortality rate (per 1,000) 8
Ethnic groups (%) Pirtunian (78); Donovian (17); Other—Jewish, Magyan, Indo- European (5)
Religions (%) Pirtunian Orthodox (66); Other Christian (14); Muslim (17); Jewish

(3)

Languages (%) Pirtunian (67); Donovian (20); Magyan, Vandar, and Other (13)
Major diseases Tuberculosis; Typhoid; Diarrheal diseases; HIV/AIDS

Population Movement (Migration/IDPs/Refugees)

According to UN estimates, as the mutual trade embargo between Donovia and Pirtuni has intensified in recent years, more than 800,000 people have been displaced. Over time, the current economic troubles spawned the largest displacement in Europe since the first decade of the twentieth century. Of those displaced, 95% formerly resided in regions east of the Dnieper River, on the Azov Peninsula, and north of the Sea of Azov.

Distinguishing between Pirtuni’s internally displaced persons (IDPs) and refugees can be problematic. Many have gravitated toward Pirtuni’s western borders in search of farm work, and also in hopes of

being situated in closer proximity to some of Europe’s more lucrative market-oriented economies. Meanwhile an estimated 387,000 Pirtunian-born ethnic Donovians have applied for refugee status or permanent residency in that country; the total number of Pirtunian-born persons currently residing in Donovia is uncertain. Historically, neither country required visas or other official travel documents to move freely back and forth across their common border. As the Donovia/Pirtuni feud deepened, conditions for disadvantaged elements in Pirtuni already occupying the bottom-most rung on the economic ladder grew even worse, adding fuel to the population displacement crisis.

The Pirtunian government is shouldering a share of the burden to help the displaced. A law recently passed by parliament creates a registry that will track IDPs based on their locale of origin, and connect them with an administrative clearinghouse that will refer them to appropriate social relief agencies. The Greater Western European Co-prosperity Sphere is ramping up resettlement efforts that will provide grants to non-governmental organizations and local municipalities providing IDP aid and infrastructure re-invigoration/regeneration efforts to communities' hardest-hit by the chronic economic recession.

All foreign citizens entering Pirtuni intending to work or reside there for periods exceeding 30 days must register with province-level branches of the State Immigration Service (SIS). Although Pirtunians are generally welcoming to Westerners, especially including Western Europeans, many foreign expatriates are forced to accept positions for which they are overqualified, and also to consign themselves to menial wages. The modest influx of foreigners has not been sufficient to generate resentment among locals relative to competition in the labor market; the greater problem has been an exodus of native workers abandoning their homeland to seek out economic opportunity and a better quality of life in countries throughout Western Europe, and in some cases even the United States. This situation has created a worldwide Pirtunian diaspora with strong economic and emotional connections to its homeland.

Population Distribution

Just under 70% of Pirtuni’s population is urban. The annual urbanization rate of growth is 0.33%. The most important urban areas are as follows: Kyiv (capital), population 2.942 million; Kharkiv, population

1.441 million; Odessa, population 1.01 million; Dnipropetrovsk, population 987,000; Donetsk, population 934,000; and Zaporizhzhya, population 753,000.

Demographic Mix

Seventy-eight percent of the country’s inhabitants are grounded in the Pirtunian Slavic heritage, with Donovians comprising the largest minority group, accounting for 17% of the population. The remaining 5% consists of Sephardic Jews, a smattering of Eastern European Slavic peoples, and a small Caucasus diaspora, mainly ethnic Vandars. As a consequence of a weak to nonexistent national tradition of diversity and ethnic coexistence, most minority groups in Pirtuni live in self-contained enclaves whose members prefer to minimize contact with outsiders, despite the fact that majority and minority populations all officially share a common nationality.

The birthrate in Pirtuni is 11 births per thousand in population, which is lower than the death rate that stands at 15 per thousand. The population’s gender/sex ratio is about even until the 55–64 years age group level, with female Pirtunians subsequently tending to live longer than their male counterparts. Pirtuni performs poorly in all dimensions of population dynamics, including a total fertility rate substantially below that required to sustain population replacement, plus an excess of deaths over births that has prevailed since late in the last century.

Social Volatility

For reasons connected with the demographic mix discussed above, Pirtuni’s social volatility is extremely high. The seismic economic upheaval produced by Donovia’s Four Traitors incident left many Pirtunians feeling that a unique historical moment had finally arrived that would let them assume their rightful place as a major Donovian rival. Many Pirtunian citizens of ethnic Donovian heritage now feel threatened by a new militant nationalism that currently pervades all walks of Pirtunian society.

In some ethnic Donovian enclaves, ultra-Pirtunian radicalism has inspired a reactionary push-back phenomenon. Social awareness among ethnic Donovians is approaching a level of hypersensitivity sufficient to inspire growing numbers of them to seek refuge in the transnational True Pan-Donovian Movement. Purveyors of this cause exploit the nostalgic appeal of historical, ethnic, and cultural heritage to exhort prospective followers to agitate in favor of uniting all Donovian-speaking peoples under a single, overarching political regime.

This turn of events has predictably stoked ethnic tensions between peoples who technically share a common birthright as Pirtunian citizens. The radical fringe of ultra-nationalists includes individuals who want to seize what they perceive as a unique historical/revolutionary moment by making their own personal contribution to a cause greater than themselves. Since the Four Traitors incident many militant super-patriots have joined the Pirtuni Forever insurgency, even to the extent of participating in its direct action cells that, over time, have become increasingly violent.

Other factors besides ethnicity have also created strain in Pirtuni. The country’s population has declined steadily since the late twentieth century, losing about 6.5 million over the past 25 years. Statistics maintained by the United Nations indicate that this downward trend in population will continue until 2050, when it is expected to bottom out at about 35 million. In contrast with some of its neighbors, most notably Donovia, the gap between deaths and births is continuing, and projected to stay on the same trajectory indefinitely.

The premature mortality rate for working-age men, and increasingly for younger males as well, is at a crisis level. Poor lifestyle choices are fueling this downward spiral; these include excessive alcohol consumption, smoking, poor diet, and an almost total disregard for physical exercise. These issues are exacerbated by an inadequate healthcare delivery system, and a pervasive sense of social malaise stemming from stress typically grounded in individual feelings of little or no control over one’s personal destiny and expectations for the future. Approximately one-fifth of the country’s 18–30 year olds suffer from untreated hypertension.

Pirtuni has the highest mortality rate from infectious disease (primarily HIV and tuberculosis) in the entire European region, surpassing even Donovia. HIV infection, however, remains a relatively low contributor to the country’s overall mortality rate, compared to deaths caused by non-communicable diseases and injuries. Life expectancy in Pirtuni is lower than in Western countries, but higher than in Donovia.

National demographic trends in Pirtuni are negatively impacting the country’s available personnel pool for military conscription (compulsory for males 20–27 years of age, including a 24-month period of active service). The number of Pirtunian military-age males has been trending downward since the turn of the century, and is expected to bottom out in a few years at a level about half of what it was when the decline began; little or no upswing is predicted for the foreseeable future. In the coming decades it goes almost without saying that trends impacting military-age males will fluctuate in tandem with those affecting the country’s national labor force: both personnel pools are shrinking.

Aggregate statistics reflecting Pirtuni’s national trends mask considerable regional variations affecting the age and health of local populations. Retirees and older populations concentrated in the country’s east, south, and center, as well as other factors related to health and disease—such as alcohol abuse and heart disease—translate into higher death rates in these regions than in the western part of the country. Life expectancy for men is 3–4 years higher in the west than in the south and east. Although western Pirtuni does not have a healthy population by developed world standards, in some respects it at least resembles the poorly-developed parts of the European Union, while the remainder of Pirtuni lags far behind.

Education Level

Pirtuni enjoys a literacy rate that exceeds 99.5% for both males and females. Government officials and agencies make the country’s educational system the recipient of benevolent attention and abundant resources. Widespread educational institutions are the norm, from day-care and kindergarten through university and conservatory levels. Elementary/primary education is compulsory, and begins at the age of 6–7 years. Basic School, the second and highest level of national compulsory education, provides a link to trade schools, institutions of higher learning, and other continuous-education systems. Upon completion of Basic School, students aged 14–16 receive a completion certificate that enables them to pursue more-advanced educational opportunities at their own discretion. Unfortunately, the prolonged economic downturn brought on by the aftershocks of the Donovian Four Traitors incident as well as a trade embargo with Donovia have forced many young Pirtunians with advanced degrees to accept low- paying positions for which they are profoundly overqualified.

Ethnic Diversity

Pirtuni has a diverse range of ethnic groups, each of which has a distinctive culture and belief system. Currently a majority of the population self-identifies as either Pirtunian or Donovian. However, there are lesser-known ethnic groups that have resided inside the country for centuries. According to a commonly-accepted standard of sociology, an ethnic group is a band of people who share a common historical tradition and identity, and in some cases a geographical residence. Seventy-eight percent of Pirtuni’s citizens are grounded in the Pirtunian Slavic heritage, with Donovian Arabs comprising the country’s largest minority group, accounting for 17% of the population. The remaining 5% of the citizenry include a smattering of Eastern European Slavic peoples, Sephardic Jews, and a small enclave of ethnic Vandars who live in self-contained enclaves and claim historic ties to the North Caucasus region. Westerners should bear in mind that ethnic diversity in Pirtuni bears little or no resemblance to the kind of cultural “melting pot” concept familiar among North Americans, for example. Peaceful coexistence is the exception rather than the rule in Pirtuni, where cultural enmity has persisted for centuries and where wars and revolutions have too often provided a pretext for settling ancient cultural scores.

Religious Diversity

Religion in Pirtuni is fairly homogenous, from the vantage point of its largest ethnic groups. The country’s population is overwhelmingly Christian, including mostly Orthodox Christians, Pirtunian Catholics, and Protestants. The Pirtunian Catholic Church is an historical offshoot of the Church of Rome, but neither church recognizes the other’s authority. Followers of Islam and adherents to the Jewish faith respectively account for 17% and 3% of the total population. Pirtuni’s government is ostensibly secular, and most of its citizens are tolerant and believe in the separation of church and state. That said, some of the country’s laws, policies, and religiously-motivated officials tend to marginalize those elements of the population who are non-Christian.

Common Languages

Language is another cultural factor reflective of Pirtuni’s homogeneity. Pirtunian, the country’s official language, is the lingua franca of public administration, the armed forces, and the scientific and technical communities. Sixty-seven percent of the population speaks the official language. Legislation passed three years ago provides for establishing regional languages in provinces where non-Pirtunian cultures predominate. Thus as an exception and for all practical purposes, in all provinces north and east of the Dnieper River, as well as those bordering the Black Sea and the Sea of Azov (Sandini, Tazini, and Zanzini), Donovian is used in courts, schools, and other government institutions. Twenty percent of Pirtuni’s citizens consider Donovian to be their native tongue.

Criminal Activity

Crime assumes a number of different guises in Pirtuni, and typical offenses include corrupt activities undertaken to line the pockets of corporate magnates and public officials at all levels. Drug trafficking, counterfeiting, illegal wildcat mining, and smuggling a broad spectrum of consumer goods all offer lucrative opportunities for extra-legal profiteering. Organized crime families have successfully penetrated most, if not all, of these illegal activities. Pirtuni’s most prominent organized crime families include the Lysenko Brothers—Aleksander and Anton—who lead a criminal gang of about 50 members that operates throughout the Azov Peninsula; the Bonarenkos, a criminal network that operates primarily in Donetsk in eastern Pirtuni; and the Supremum, a transnational criminal organization headquartered in Odesa, but with tendrils that reach throughout Pirtuni and ultimately link to worldwide criminal networks.

Because energy resources, infrastructure, and production are so vitally important, not only as a sector of the national economy but also as a widespread means of earning a livelihood, it is small wonder that illegal coal mining has surfaced as a major problem north and east of the Dnieper River. Three years ago it was estimated that coal sales occurred at a rate more than 10% above that reflected in official  records. Throughout this region small illegal mines, called kopankas, produce coal far more cheaply than official mines—primarily because it is not taxed, but also because illegal extraction methods can proceed with no regard whatever for limitations on hours worked, workers’ quality of life, or safety hazards. The result is that Pirtuni now has a national reputation for excessive mine-related deaths and injuries that is only exceeded by Olvavna. The Supremum criminal organization is known to be involved with these extra- legal mining operations, which frequently cross the boundary between Pirtuni and Donovia, and occasionally cross other international boundaries between Pirtuni and neighboring countries in Eastern Europe.

These illegal mining activities could not happen without the complicity of corrupt political, business, and organized crime networks that conspire to market contraband coal by selling tonnage kept invisible in officially-maintained records. Three years ago, Pirtuni’s Deputy Minister of Energy confirmed that only 24 official mines remained open north of the Dnieper River. Some unemployed miners, desperate over the prospect of prolonged wholesale mine closures, feel they have no alternative but to work in illegal mines because these at least remain open and constitute a lifeline, however dangerous, that offers affected families a chance at economic survival.

Human Rights

Pirtuni’s record on human rights reflects a commendable aspiration to achieve a standard higher than what prevails among some of its Eastern European neighbors, and the country is gravitating toward embracing norms generally prevalent throughout Western Europe. Despite this positive note, Pirtuni’s

human rights record is spotty at best, indicating progress in some areas, and stagnation, retrenchment, or even backsliding in others. Although the government now formally recognizes the legitimacy of international human rights codified in the United Nations charter, efforts to align domestic procedures and processes with these progressive standards have so far proved disappointing to observers in the international community.

Although allegations of international human rights violations committed by national and provincial-level officials have been substantiated in the past, Pirtunian authorities have made some systemic improvements. Foremost among these is the recently-established National Corruption Resistance Board of Pirtuni (NCRBP), appointment of an NCRBP director, and some preliminary measures initiated by a new Prosecutor General, appointed about two years ago. As yet it is too soon to gauge the effectiveness of these new agencies, but a stubborn, multi-year inquiry into complicity of government officials in human rights violations has so far resulted in few, if any, substantial convictions or administrative punishments. The Lysenko Brothers, the Bonarenkos, and the Supremum lead the list of suspects alleged to be actively involved in frustrating the efforts of the NCRBP.

Prevailing social attitudes among Christians as well as Muslims are stridently intolerant of lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender (LGBT) persons. Households headed by people in this demographic category are ineligible to receive legal protections and entitlements available to opposite-sex couples.

Centers of Social Power

The family serves as the cornerstone of Pirtuni’s society. Pirtunians typically celebrate many personal and professional occasions with large social gatherings attended by friends and family members. It is common practice for elderly family members to reside with their married offspring, although this practice proved dysfunctional in the wake of Donovia’s Four Traitors incident when the ensuing housing shortage in Pirtuni forced young couples to live in extremely cramped quarters with their parents.

Church leaders play an important role in ethnic Pirtunian culture, as almost everyone adheres to dominant variants of the Christian and Muslim faiths. As citizens of one of the first countries to establish Christianity as the official state religion, Pirtunians feel a connection to their faith that is increasingly exceptional among the various peoples of both Western and Eastern Europe. Consultation with clergy is the norm among Pirtunians when confronting any major life challenge or decision.

Before Donovia’s Four Traitor’s incident provoked a fundamental reconstitution of Pirtuni’s economic order, a social caste system grounded in a state-run, centrally-managed economy conferred a high social status on anyone with sufficient political clout to obtain luxury goods made available only to members of a ruling political elite. That former social caste system has since given way to a newer one, wherein a few corporate oligarchs have emerged as centers of social power because of immense wealth they have amassed over a short period of time. Members of this new elite now display their status by flaunting prestigious consumer goods available to anyone with sufficient cash to pay for them. Symbols of social power include cars, houses, luxury items, and fashionable clothes and jewelry.

Social and economic inequalities exacerbated by the blatant display of wealth amassed by the new elite class of oligarchs have alienated large segments of Pirtuni’s underprivileged classes. Resentment in some quarters has reached levels sufficient to breed widespread sympathy of the egalitarian/leveling gospel preached by supporters of the Pirtunian People’s Liberation Army (PPLA). Economically- disadvantaged people residing in the poorest neighborhoods in major metropolitan areas now serve as ad hoc personnel pools that offer high potential for PPLA recruiting efforts. Economic/social resentments in these neighborhoods have recently inspired violent protests and demonstrations directed against government authorities.

Basic Cultural Norms and Values

Pirtuni is a proud nation with a strong tradition of nationalistic spirit that borders on militarism. Although still overshadowed by Donovia’s overwhelming military power, the seismic economic upheaval produced by Donovia’s Four Traitors incident left many Pirtunians feeling that a unique historical moment had finally arrived that would let them assume their rightful place as a major Donovian rival. Many Pirtunian citizens of ethnic Donovian heritage now feel threatened by a new militant nationalism that currently pervades all walks of Pirtunian society.

Social interaction in Pirtuni is largely determined by a sense of etiquette prevalent throughout much of Europe. Some local idiosyncrasies include an unwritten law that requires business conversations to be conducted within a personal space of less than an arm’s length. A longstanding tradition of consuming alcohol at business meetings has continued well into the current century. Most Pirtunians are highly suspicious of anyone who declines an invitation to drink vodka.

Customs and Practices

 

Meeting & Greeting

Pirtunians are very conscious of professional and academic credentials. When initially meeting, they prefer to be addressed by their appropriate title and surname. If a colleague has neither a professional nor academic title, introductions using the prefix “Pan” for men

or “Pani” for women are a universally-accepted standard.

  

Visiting/ Hospitality

Pirtunians enjoy making small talk with people they know and feel they can trust. Such small talk typically occurs at the beginning of a meeting in order to shore-up the comfort level of everyone in attendance. Foreigners are best advised to allow their Pirtunian colleagues to turn the conversation from personal topics to business. Agendas are generally not strictly followed, since Pirtunians view them as little more than very general guides/springboards

for further discussion.

 

Manners

Pirtunians are very polite and hospitable people. Discussions with their fellow countrymen can become animated at times, but this is less the case when conversing with foreigners.

Visitors to Pirtunian homes are often asked to remove their shoes; the host or hostess

typically provides slippers for guests to wear.

Customs and Practices/ Cultural Dos & Don’ts Pirtunians typically operate under traditional gender roles. Men will open doors for women, pour their drinks, and light their cigarettes.

Smoking is much more prevalent than it is in the US and some other Western countries. Toasting is a very important part of Pirtunian culture, and most toasts are made with vodka.

Teetotalers should be ready to invoke medical or other significant excuses for not drinking.

  

Gifts

Pirtunians bring flowers, a bottle of imported liquor, chocolates, or pastries when invited to someone’s home. Gifts are customarily nicely wrapped, but usually not opened right away.

When conducting business in Pirtuni, gifts are not usually exchanged at a first meeting. Pirtunians traditionally exchange gifts among family and close friends on birthdays and the

Orthodox Christmas.

  

Taboos

When giving a gift of flowers, only give in odd numbers and avoid yellow flowers and white lilies, since these are associated with funerals.

Some Pirtunians are superstitious and prefer to avoid shaking hands over a threshold, or even passing an object over a threshold, since both of these gestures are thought to bring bad

luck.

  

Personal Space

Foreigners often perceive that little, if any, allowance is made for personal space in Pirtuni. Standing close in lines or very close when speaking is common. Also common is cutting in lines or even shoving in crowds, and should not be taken personally; no one ever apologizes for this. Metro systems in Pirtuni’s large cities can be intimidating for people

who have issues with claustrophobia.

 
  

Marriage Rituals

“Pirtunian Wedding” is the formal name given to the traditional marriage ceremony, both in Pirtuni and in the Pirtunian diaspora. The traditional Pirtunian Wedding features a rich assortment of folk music and singing, dancing, and visual art, with rituals dating back to the pre-Christian era. Over time, ancient pagan traditions and symbols were assimilated into the Christian ceremony.

The wedding reception, called a Frondau, can last days and sometime weeks, with dancing,

singing, long toasts, and a feast that may extend to the entire community.

   

Work Week/ Work Hours

Pirtuni’s labor code institutionalizes the forty-hour work week. The code stipulates that the work week is five days in length followed by two days off. Under the law, businesses and organizations have an option of working 6 days a week with 1 day off if considered reasonable, but in any case the total number of hours worked is not to exceed forty hours per week.

Despite parameters established by the labor code, occupational safety and health standards in Pirtuni are frequently disregarded because funding constraints limit the number of officials

who inspect workplaces, and labor laws provide for only minimal punishment of offenders.

  

Concept of Time

As a modernizing country gravitating in the direction of sharing cultural standards of Western Europe, Pirtunians make due allowance for the need to use time efficiently. Although they display a laid-back cultural flexibility in following agendas in their business dealings, Pirtunians are more than capable of efficient time management when the need arises as,

for example, in the context of conducting military operations.

 

Dispute Resolution

There are no specific cultural methods for resolving disputes. Pirtuni’s past situates it within the European cultural and historical traditions. Pirtunians therefore prefer to resolve their differences through reason, persuasion, and discourse. When this method fails, Pirtunians

rely on their legal system for arbitration and conflict resolution.

    

Birth Rituals

Birth-related rituals in Pirtuni are especially important and delicate affairs, involving magic rituals and charms, and religious icons. Both a midwife and doctor are present at birth, each with separate and carefully choreographed functions. An important aspect of the midwife’s role is having consecrated herbs and flowers on hand that, according to folk tradition, instill important traits of character.

Christenings are consecrated on the tenth day following a birth. Godparent duties are considered a high honor, never to be declined. A priest officiates at the church christening, which is usually followed by a small reception, intentionally limited to a short duration

because of the mother’s need to rest. This event is normally held in the home or a local

café, with friends and extended family in attendance.

   

Death Rituals

Pirtunians faithfully observe ancient funeral traditions. A collective repast (wake) follows the funeral service, and is repeated on the ninth and fortieth days, and then again at six and twelve months after demise.

An annual remembrance day called Jabordny is commemorated the Sunday after Easter, when families gather at ancestral gravesites to once again bid farewell to the deceased.

Jabordny’s Christian symbolism represents Christ’s victory over death, while its pagan

dimension signifies the linkage between spring and perennial rebirth in nature.

Summary

Pirtuni continues to endure the throes of accelerating cultural change and extreme economic stress that have lasted for two decades. Its society is pivoting away from a centralized, state-run economy, and toward one driven by the volatile dynamics of an open-market system. This seismic changeover was triggered by Donovia’s Four Traitors incident, and Pirtunians still suffer from its aftershocks. The great transition from centralized control to free-market capitalism soon bounded the economic sphere to wreak major changes in all dimensions of Pirtunian life.

High inflation magnifies collective suffering and negatively impacts national morale. While the Four Traitors incident was still unfolding, inflation peaked at 10,000% per year. At the time, shoppers carried millions of konopkas (the national currency) to the market just to buy a loaf of bread. The quality-of-life crisis provided the basis for a cynical popular cliché that attested to everyone’s status as a millionaire. In more recent years, even with the benevolent intervention of Western financial institutions, the inflation rate has ranged between 50% and 100% annually.

The way current drug prices affect patients is a serious matter. The leader of a patient advocacy group recently observed that drugs in Pirtuni cost as much as gold. Families go to the pharmacy and pay three times the former prices that prevailed prior to the Four Traitors incident, but salaries and pensions lag far behind incessant price increases. Stores in Pirtuni no longer attach price tags to big ticket items, which now far exceed the purchasing power of most shoppers. Meanwhile, utility rates soar as authorities impose ever-increasing austerity measures even as they revoke high subsidies that formerly helped citizens pay energy bills.

Most people blame Donovia for the prolonged stress, and popular resentment has reached the point that Pirtunian shoppers now check product bar codes in support of a grassroots boycott of Donovian made products. Citizens seem resigned to the prospect of austerity measures lasting indefinitely, while watching their quality of life slide further down the scale. People are cynical about pervasive corruption and their own government’s waning ability to provide basic services. A general distrust of individuals occupying official positions of responsibility continues to increase over time. Although one bedraggled Pirtunian recently remarked that he had seen too much change for one lifetime, the country’s relentless rate of revolutionary change shows no sign of slowing for the foreseeable future.

Retrieved from "http://odin.ttysg.us/mediawiki/index.php?title=Social:_Pirtuni&oldid=53090"