Political: Bothnia

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Brahea Harbor

Flag of Bothnia

Political Overview

Bothnia is a socialist state. Its capital is Brahea. Bothnia has an area of 155,900 square kilometers (km2) (60,193 square miles [mi2]), bordering the Gulf of Finland in the south, the Gulf of Bothnia in the west, Framland and Torrike to the north and Otso in the east.

Bothnian politics are monopolized by the Socialist Party of Bothnia (SPB). Two other parties are allowed to exist under the SPB domination.

Foreign Relations: Diplomatic relations with most countries.

Legal System: Mixed Law. Note ‐ nearly all major codes (civil, civil procedure, criminal, criminal procedure, family and labor) have been revised and came into force in 1992.

International Agreements: Active participation in Skolkan Cooperation Organization (SCO), Skolkan Economic Community (SEC) and United Nations. It is a signatory to Helsinki Accords, Mutual and Balanced Force Reduction Agreement.

Historical Summary

In 1949, Bothnia changed its name to the Bothnian Democratic Republic (BDR) establishing itself as a socialist state. The SPB dominates it. The General Secretary is also chair of Council of State. Two other parties exist under SPB domination but there is no overt opposition. The SPB maintained close ties to the Communist Party of Donovia. The SPB passed the first major constitutional amendment unanimously in 1969 after the death of the First General Secretary, Anssi Olamao in 1968. Within the SPB, his succession was contested and in June 1969, Sisu Olamao emerged as the new General Secretary. The Congress in September confirmed his position. Known as the Great Orator, he ruled Bothnia with an iron hand, suppressing any dissent but with an astute grasp of history consolidated power and alliances within the Skolkan region. He initiated relations with Dushman in 1985, which proved to be decisive for Bothnia’s future. In 1990, Torrike and Bothnia signed the Treaty on ‘Deepening Military Trust in Border Regions’, which would lead to the SCO. In 1991, Sisu Olamao (The Courageous) died but was able to hand succession over to his second son, Frans Olamao.

Frans Olamao proved he had all the talent of his father and consolidated his power base by 1994. He had been a principal negotiator for Bothnia in 1985 when his father had opened closer ties with Dushman. With the demise of the Warsaw Pact in 1991, Bothnia required a strategic backer. By 1995, Frans Olamao had successively maneuvered through the rising torrent of political liberty and maintained the SPB’s hold on the country.

It has normal relations with most countries outside the western sphere of influence.

Political System

Although it is not the main center of political power, the state has an important political function insofar as it serves as the chief instrument through which the party seeks to implement its programs and achieve special social, economic, and political goals. Such a cooperative effort requires a well‐elaborated system of coordination between the two entities. The party determines the boundaries within which the state is required to act. The need to coordinate the activities and functions of the party and state apparatuses has resulted in a significant degree of overlap in the policy area as well as in the personnel of both organizations. Both apparatuses are responsible for a variety of similar activities; however, while the party is responsible for setting up the general guidelines and ideological content of specific policies and programs, the state is given the legal authority to execute them and to monitor their implementation on all levels of the hierarchy.

The division of authority between party and state often results in conflict. Such conflict is based less on differences in ideology between members of the two apparatuses than on the issue of control and the most effective way of achieving the goals toward which the party's programs and policies are directed. However, the overlapping of membership between the party and state apparatuses, especially between their respective executive organs such as the SPB Central Committee and the Council of Ministers, makes such a conflict manageable. Moreover, conflict between the two organizations is often the consequence of disagreement within the various branches of the party and state.

The Constitution

The Constitution is the legal authority for the State powers. The 1925 Constitution has evolved and the current 1992 Constitution establishes the Socialist Democratic Republic; the role of the state as the party's main instrument in achieving the goal of a socialist society; recognized that Bothnia and Otso were separate states and recognized the demise of the old system and provided a blueprint for political‐economic direction for the future of BDP and the safeguard of its socialist ambitions.

Central Structure

The Bothnian "socialist state" therefore embodies the principles of Socialism as applied to specific national conditions. In theory, the principle of democratic centralism serves as the basis for "the realization of the sovereignty of the working people" and as the guiding principle for the construction of the socialist state. As in other Socialist system, the ruling communist party, in this case the SPB determines the goals, policies, and actions of the government. In the view of the party leadership, the government exists as the instrument through which the party administers the country and implements communist policies and programs.

Branches of Government

Separation of powers does not exist in the Bothnian government.

Executive

The President is the Head of State, Chairman of the Politburo and Chairman of the Council of State.

Council of Ministers

The Council of Ministers is the government of Bothnia and the highest organ of the state apparatus. Its position in the system of government and its functions and tasks are specified in the Constitution as amended in 1976 as well as in the Law on the Council of Ministers of the Bothnian of October 1972. The 1972 statute defined the council as the "government." According to the new law, the Council of Ministers was to "carry out the decisions of the party of the working class on the basis of the laws and decisions of the People's Chamber." The Constitution as amended in 1976 significantly expanded the functions of the Council of Ministers at the expense of the Council of State.

Since 1997 the Council of Ministers consisted of a chairman, two first deputy chairmen, and ten deputy chairmen, all of whom constituted an inner circle called the Presidium of the Council of Ministers. Other ex‐officio members maybe invited but are not part of the inner circle. The Chairman of the Council of Ministers is the head of the government (prime minister).

According to the Constitution, all members of the Council of Ministers are formally selected to their posts by the People's Chamber for a five‐year term. In fact these decisions probably emanate from the Politburo and the Central Committee of the SPB. The Council of Ministers is required to work closely with the People's Chamber and according to its administrative guidelines the council must have all its legal drafts and decisions approved by the People's Chamber before they become law.

As the de jure government, the Council of Ministers is responsible for providing the People's Chamber with the major legal drafts and decisions that subsequently are to be published in the name of the state. The work style of the Council of Ministers is a collective one. It normally meets on a weekly basis to discuss problems and plans put forward by individual ministers. It also confirms decisions that already have been made by the Presidium. The Presidium is of special importance because of its responsibility for handling the affairs of the council when the full body is not in session.

Specific functional responsibilities of the Council of Ministers include directing and planning the national economy; coordinating and implementing social policy decisions that have been agreed upon with the support and concurrence of the Free Bothnian Trade Union Federation (BTUF); instructing and controlling subordinate levels of government, that is, the councils at district, county, and community levels that implement the laws and decisions of the central government; improving the functioning of the system of "democratic centralism" within the state apparatus; and carrying out the basic foreign policy principles of the socialist state.

The Council consists of: Chairman Council of Ministers, Prime Minister; 1st Deputy: Minister of Interior, Minister of Social Affairs and Education; Deputies: The Minister of Labor, The Minister of Environment and Agriculture, The Minister of Justice, The Minister of Transportation, The Minister of Foreign Affairs, The Minister for Constitutional Security , The Minister of Health, The Deputy Minister of Industry and Technology, The Minister of Defense, The Minister of Economy.

The Ex‐Officio members were Minister of Environmental Protection and Water Management, Junior Minister of Post and Telecommunications, Secretary of State Planning Commission and Chairman of the State Contract Court.

Bothnian Council of Ministers

Position

Minister of Defense (MOD)

Minister of Economy (MOE)

Minister of Foreign Affairs (MFA)

Minister of Health (MOH)

Deputy Minister of Industry and Technology (MOIT)

Minister of Interior (MOI); Deputy PM

Minister of Justice (MOJ)

Minister of Labor (MOL)

Minister of Social Affairs and Education (MSAE)

Minister of Transportation (MOT) and Secretary

Minister of Environment and Agriculture (MOEA)

Minister for Constitutional Security (MfCS)

Legislative Authority

The unicameral People's Chamber is described in the Constitution as "the supreme organ of state power in the Bothnian Democratic Republic." According to the Constitution, the "principle of the sovereignty of the people" defines the role and function of the chamber. Before 1968 the People's Chamber consisted of 366 members; since then it has consisted of 400 deputies, elected for a 5-year term. Men outnumber women deputies by more than a factor of two.

The Presidium consists of: The President of the People's Chamber, (The Press Officer of the Chairman of the Council Of Ministers is also the President of Peoples Chamber); a Deputy President; three SPB members and there are two representatives from each of the two small parties and from mass organizations.

Under the Constitution, the People's Chamber is responsible for determining "the basic principles of government policy and implementing those policies." It is theoretically empowered to elect, supervise, and recall all members of the principal executive organs of the government: the Council of State, Council of Ministers and chairman of the National Defense Council, Attorney General, and Supreme Court justices. Since the 1980s, the chamber generally has met only three or four times a year for one-day sessions and has rarely cast a vote that is not unanimous. In earlier years, the chamber met more frequently.

The Presidium of the People's Chamber is primarily a coordinating agent for chamber business. The People's Chamber also has 15 standing committees with jurisdictions corresponding to major areas of public policy, such as national defense, foreign affairs, industry, labor, social policy, and culture. Although the size of each committee is not fixed, chamber deputies generally constitute the majority of each committee's membership. Additional members, however, may be drawn from outside the chamber. Each committee meets at least once a year to receive reports from SPB officials, nominally satisfying the constitutional requirement that the government be accountable to the people.

Judicial Authority

Separation of powers does not exist in the Bothnian government. Although the Constitution asserts the independence of the courts, it also subordinates the judiciary to the political authorities and their political goals.

Like all other aspects of the government administration of Bothnia, the party is the ultimate decision maker in the operation of the legal system. The Constitution, however, provides for the right of citizens to a voice in the judicial process and the selection of judges, directly or through their elected representatives. It further provides for citizen participation in the administration of justice in an effort to deter crime. Basic guarantees for justice are said to derive from the "socialist society, the political power of the working people, and their state and legal system."

At the top of Bothnia's legal system are the Ministry of Justice, the Supreme Court and the Office of the General Prosecuting Attorney (public prosecutor). The public prosecutor appoints prosecutors throughout Bothnia, including those active in military courts; he can dismiss them, and they are "responsible to him and bound by his instructions." The Office of the General Prosecuting Attorney is also responsible for supervising "strict adherence to socialist legality and protecting citizens from violations of the law." The role of the Ministry of Justice, which is not mentioned in the Constitution, appears to be largely formal and its role public relations.

The organs of justice are the Supreme Court, Provincial courts and social courts. Military jurisdiction is exercised by the Supreme Court and military tribunals and courts. The specific areas of responsibility for each level of the court system are defined by law. Professional and lay judges of the courts are elected for five years by corresponding representative bodies, except Provincial court judges, who are elected directly by the citizenry. They are subject to dismissal for malfeasance and for violations of law and/or the Constitution in the performance of their duties.

Supreme Court: Under the Constitution, the Supreme Court, as the highest organ of the legal system, directs the jurisdiction of all lower courts and is charged with ensuring the uniform application of the law on all levels. The highest court not only has the right of extraordinary appeal as a measure of control over the lower courts but on occasion serves as a link in the chain of command by issuing general legal directives. According to the Constitution, the Supreme Court "directs the jurisdiction of the courts on the basis of the Constitution, the laws, and their statutory regulations. It ensures a uniform application of the law by all courts." The directive function of the Supreme Court goes far beyond that of supreme courts in Western systems, which as a rule do not give legally binding instructions to the lower courts concerning specific questions of law. The Supreme Court is responsible to the People's Chamber and, between the latter's sessions, to the Council of State. Internally, the organization of the high court consists of an assembly, a presidium, and three functional administrative divisions known as collegiums for criminal justice, military justice, and civil, family, and labor law. The assembly, which is directed in its plenary sessions by the Supreme Court Presidium, consists of fifteen directors of the Provincial courts, the chairmen of the higher military courts, and all professional judges.

Provincial Court: Each provincial court is presided over by a professional judge and two jurors in cases of original jurisdiction and by three professional judges in cases of appellate jurisdiction. The Provincial courts have appellate jurisdiction in civil cases and original jurisdiction in major criminal cases such as economic crimes, murder, and crimes against the state.

County Court: The county court is the lowest level of the judiciary system, and each of the country's regions has at least one such court, which is presided over by a professional judge and two lay assessors. The majority of all criminal and civil cases are tried at this level; county courts have jurisdiction over cases not assigned elsewhere and civil cases involving only small amounts of property.

In addition to the regular law courts, Bothnia has also developed an extensive system of community and social courts, known as either conflict or arbitration commissions. The first are formed in state owned and private enterprises, health and educational institutions, offices, and social organizations. The second are established in residential areas, collective farms, and cooperatives of manual laborers, fishermen, and gardeners. Created to relieve the regular courts of their minor civil or criminal case loads, the jurisdiction of the courts applies to labor disputes, minor breaches of the peace, misdemeanors, infringements of the law, truancy, and conflicts in civil law. These courts are composed of lay jurors who are elected by their respective constituencies. Party officials at the community level generally influence the nomination of jurors to the community courts and exercise considerable influence on the outcome of cases heard at this level.

Influential Individuals

Outside of the normal political power structure, there are a number of individuals who wield considerable influence within Bothnia, either because of their role within a region, or because of their contribution to the formation of opinion within the country. Some are influential because of their personality, others because of their contribution to the intellectual life of the country and yet others simply because their handling of publicity gives their views widespread exposure.

Provinces, Regions, Cities, and Municipalities

Bothnia has three territorial levels below the national level. The Bothnian Administrative Reform of 1952 established 14 provinces, 48 regions, and municipalities. Each level has an elected assembly (whose composition is controlled by local SPB committees) and a council, which acts as the executive. Each assembly in turn features a structure of committees, composed of deputies and non‐deputies, organized around local policy issues such as local trade, supply, finances, construction, housing, traffic, transportation, health, socialist education, culture, youth and sports.

The Provincial assembly is the highest government institution in the Province. It is elected every five years by the Provincial electorate. The number of deputies in the assembly ranges from 45 to 10, depending on the size of the Provincial electorate. The Provincial council usually consists of eight to 20 members. As a rule, SPB members outnumber representatives of other political parties, In the event of equal split, the Chairperson holds the decisive vote. Regions, as subdivisions of Provinces, replicate the Provincial government structure on a smaller scale. In 1995 there were 14 urban regions and 34 rural regions. The smallest unit of local government with an assembly and a council is the municipality (community).

Provinces and Regions of Bothnia

Province	Region	Capital	Province	Region	Capital
Lansi Lappi	Rovaniemi Kemi‐Tornio	Rovaniemi	Satakunta	Pori Northern Satakunta Rauma	Pori
Pohjois‐ Pohjanmaa Northern Ostrobothnia	Nivala‐ Haapajärvi Oulu Oulunkaari Raahe Siikalatva Ylivieska	Oulu	Keski‐ Pohjanmaa Central Ostrobothnia	Kokkola Kaustinen	Kokkola
Etelä‐ Pohjanmaa Southern Ostrobothnia	Seinäjoki Järviseutu Kuusiokunnat Suupohja	Seinäjoki	Keski‐Suomi Central Bothnia	Äänekoski Jämsä‐Joutsa Jyväskylä Keuruu Saarijärvi‐ Viitasaari	Jyväskylä
Pohjanmaa Ostrobothnia	Vaasa Coastal Southern Ostrobothnia Jakobstad Kyrönmaa North Western Pirkanmaa South Eastern Pirkanmaa	Vaasa	Varsinais‐ Suomi Bothnia Proper	Turku Loimaa Salo Vakka‐Suomi Åboland	Turku
Pirkanmaa	Tampere South Western Pirkanmaa Southern Pirkanmaa Upper Pirkanmaa	Tampere	Päijät‐Häme Päijänne Tavastia	Lahti Heinola	Lahti
Uusimaa	Greater Brahea Raseborg	Brahea	Kanta‐Häme Tavastia Proper	Hämeenlinna Forssa Riihimäki	Hämeenlinna
Ahvenanmaa Åland Islands	Archipelago Mariehamn	Mariehamn	Itä‐Uusimaa Eastern Uusimaa	Loviisa Porvoo	Porvoo

Bothnia’s Major Cities and Populations (2010)

Brahea	Vantaa	Jyväskylä	Vaasa	Espoo	Turku	Lahti	Tampere	Oulu	Pori
1,168,840	397,250	259,554	118,464	489,618	350,568	201,998	423,382	279,158	152,550

Bothnian Domestic Policy

[ Law Enforcement]

Police: All police forces are centralized under Ministry of the Interior. The Transport Police and Fire Fighters are separately organized.

Structure: The People's Police include Alert Units, the Anti-Terrorist Branch, Provincial Police, Criminal Police and Passport Department. Permanent personnel number 10,000 men and women.

1. The Alert units are composed of 21 companies equipped with armored personnel carriers. Alert units are distributed with one company in each provincial capital and reserves in Brahea (two companies), Turku (two companies), Oulu (two companies) and Tampere (one company). These alert units answer to the Deputy Commissioner (Policing).
2. The Anti-Terrorist Branch are specialists but work in support of the MfCS Anti-Terrorist Department.
3. The Provincial Police provide the police for each province. These are supplemented by police assistants.
4. The Criminal Police specialize in crimes such as fraud, murder and drugs. Officers are distributed throughout the State.
5. The Passport Department deals with passports and visas in cooperation with MfCS and Border Guards.
6. Headquarters Staff: State and Provincial Headquarters are staffed by uniformed personnel.

Transport Police: Dark-blue uniforms who do work related to the railroad system. They were organized into 16 companies and equipped with small arms distributed throughout the provinces with two companies in Brahea. Central Headquarters is located in Brahea.

Police Assistants: These are organized on a provincial basis.

Crime

Bothnia as a socialist country has a perception of the roots of criminal behavior that differs fundamentally from the general beliefs accepted in Western culture. This perception, based upon Socialist social theory, strongly influences the structure of the criminal justice system and the administration of criminal justice. To understand the structure and functioning of the Bothnian criminal justice system, it is necessary to understand this Socialist perception of the roots of crime in society.

Public Order and Mass Participation: Crime is viewed historically as the product of class societies that have private ownership of the means of production. It is this private ownership that breeds exploitation of man by man, antagonism between individuals, and conflict between individuals and society as a whole. It feeds individual egoism that is destructive to human and community interests. In a perfected communist society where social conditions, life- styles, and human personalities have been altered radically, deviant behavior would be impossible. Under socialism, the transitional phase from capitalism to communism, crime exists, but not as a rebellion against existing conditions. Rather, it is a residue or relic of the old, imperfect society. Bothnia considers itself a socialist, or transitional, society. The leadership is not so dogmatic as to ascribe all deviant behavior to social causes. It is believed that genetic or biological factors can reduce the competence of individuals below the point where normal societal influences can compensate fully. In these instances, more stringent efforts by the state to recognize criminal potential may be required. These efforts may range from genetic counselling and therapeutic abortion to early recognition and diagnosis of personality disorders in schools and the work place.

The perception of the root causes of criminal behavior and, therefore, the attitude and approach toward addressing the problems of crime and punishment have certain fundamental characteristics that are totally foreign to traditional Western practices, even while preserving some external similarities. The administration of justice, particularly criminal justice, is viewed very much in pragmatic and utilitarian terms. The rule of law that is so important to Western political thought is subordinated to the concept of social (socialist) justice. Because criminality is viewed as a social anachronism left over from capitalism that presumably will disappear with time or is traceable to biological causes correctable by science, justice need not be tempered by legal restraint. The juridical structure of courts, judges, and lawyers, although serving an immediate need, is not fundamentally important to a socialist society. Further, the real function of law is one of educating members of society, both criminal and law- abiding, in the fulfilment of civic duties.

The Legal System: Crime control takes place on two levels. The first level involves the leadership of state organs and their functionaries, who plan all social processes. These organs, including national government agencies, local government, and industrial enterprises, have established the system of criminal law. The second level is based upon rigorous exposure, persecution, and punishment of criminals and elimination of the causes of criminal acts. This second level involves active participation by citizens through service on conflict commissions, arbitration commissions, and juries.

These two levels concentrate actual power and authority in the criminal system in the hands of the government and the SPB by reserving to them the sole responsibility for establishing social processes and laws. The second level involves the masses in enforcement of state laws and processes. In this sense, "involving the masses" is a euphemism for social pressure to enforce the law by creating an atmosphere of intolerance toward criminals.

The Court System: The court system in its basic structure shows clear roots in the Napoleonic Code, which underlies many of the legal systems of continental Europe. The Napoleonic Code differs in two ways from Anglo-Saxon law: it does not subscribe to the adversary system, and it does not recognize common law or precedent. In reference to the adversary system, the prosecutor in a Bothnian court is responsible for presenting all the evidence, both for and against defendants, and the judge reaches a decision based upon this presentation. A defense attorney, if present, is subordinate to the prosecutor and serves only to ensure that the presentation is balanced. The judge is bound only by law as written in the statute books. The judge interprets the law as it applies to the specific case, and that interpretation, since it is unique, sets no precedent for other judges.

The court system is subordinate to the legislative branch, the People's Chamber. The Supreme Court is the highest court and establishes the jurisdiction of subordinate courts. Under the Supreme Court are provincial and social courts. Provincial courts generally try major cases occurring within their geographic jurisdiction. Provincial prosecutors, appointed by the general prosecuting attorney, present the cases in provincial courts. Provincial courts normally try minor cases occurring within their geographic jurisdiction. The court system also includes social courts of non-judicial members established within enterprises and cooperatives for the purpose of enforcing labor discipline or moral behavior. These courts are quasi-legal institutions that give voice to mass social pressure on nonconforming persons. Although they are, in the strict sense of the word, extralegal, they have been placed under the jurisdiction of the Supreme Court, ostensibly to prevent excesses.

Penal Institutions: There are two distinct penal systems in the country. The one, operated by the Ministry of the Interior, is for criminal offences and accepts persons convicted and sentenced by the court system. Statistics on crime and prison populations are not published and information on these subjects is scant and unreliable.

Constitutional Security Penal Systems: The penal institutions operated by the Ministry for Constitutional Security make up a second system. Little is known of them since they operate outside the jurisdiction of the legal system. Incarceration is for political, as opposed to criminal, offenses, and sentencing may be dealt with through ministry hearings rather than the judicial process.

Military Penal Systems: See Military Variable.

Penal Code: The code is divided into nine sections: crimes against the sovereignty of the regime and against peace, humanity, and human rights; crimes against the regime; offences against the individual; offences against youth and the family; offences against socialist property; offences against personal and private property; offences against the general security; offences against the regime and public order; and military offences. Other than for its accommodation of property rights in a socialist system, the 1968 code is noteworthy in that five of its nine sections deal primarily with offences against the regime and the social system. Punishments usually consist of fines or imprisonment but also frequently involve efforts at rehabilitation. Special consideration, job training and social rehabilitation, is usually given to juvenile offenders. Until July 1997, execution in time of peace could be authorized for 11 crimes against the state and for murder. Military courts, even in peacetime, had the right to sentence both civilians and military personnel to death for a variety of offences. On l6 July 1997, Bothnia announced the abolition of the death penalty.

Emergency Services

Search and Rescue (SAR): In Bothnia the responsible authority for land and inland water SAR is the Interior Ministry and for maritime SAR, the Border Guards. These organizations alert and decide on the most suitable response for the location and situation. The country also has several volunteer organizations such as the volunteer fire department, the Bothnian Lifeboat Institution and the Red Cross Bothnia. The Maritime Rescue Coordination Center in Turku directs all SAR operations in the Baltic north of Gotland on a weekly rotating basis with the MRCC in Tyr. It also assists Estonia and Latvia with SAR coverage in their sea areas when requested.

Fire and Rescue Services: Firefighting in Bothnia is regulated by the Ministry of the Interior. Municipalities in Bothnia can choose whether the fire and rescue services are provided by a professional fire brigade, a half-ordinary fire brigade or a voluntary fire brigade. Half- ordinary and voluntary fire brigades rely on non-professional voluntary fire fighters who have been trained appropriately. The main responsibilities of fire brigades are (in decreasing order of importance) rescuing people, protecting property and the environment, limiting damage and consequences. In large fires (particularly forest fires) the rescue services also use mass organizations and the Bothnian military.

Fire and Rescue Service Responsibilities: Bothnia has 14 rescue services regions. These regions operate under the supervision of the Ministry of the Interior. Each region is responsible for the rescue service within the area. The Rescue departments are responsible of the rescue services within a rescue services region and function as the regional rescue authorities. The Rescue Departments in Bothnia have several responsibilities. They include, but are not limited to:

• Accident prevention, damage mitigation and fire inspections, safety education and advice
• Rescue operations

Other Services: Rescue departments rarely provide only firefighting services, but also perform several other types of rescue operations and often also ambulance/emergency medical services for the municipalities.

Risk Areas: The rescues service regions have different risk areas. The risk areas are categorized by time constraints set to the rescue service. For example, in risk area 2, the rescue unit must arrive at the accident site within ten minutes of the emergency call.

Professional Fire Fighting: The professional fire fighters are trained in at either the Emergency Services College or City of Brahea Rescue School which trains fire fighters in Brahea. The college is located in Kuopio and has various facilities for teaching, including special classrooms for teaching the various aspects in the several fields of firefighting and includes a 23-hectare training ground. The college can accommodate 350 people (of which most are students).

Industrial Fire Brigades: There are over 150 industrial fire brigades in Bothnia. These fire brigades usually operate in large industrial sites where the fire fighters also work at the site. Their staffs have often received special training for demanding industry-area rescue missions. This special training can include dealing with poisonous substances, operating in extremely complex industrial buildings and other similar tasks.

Voluntary Fire Fighting: A large part of Bothnian fire and rescue responsibility is provided by voluntary fire brigades. They are contracted by the municipality and are usually associations. In some municipalities, the firefighting is entirely a voluntary fire brigade's task. There are over 600 voluntary fire brigades in the country. In 400 municipalities the voluntary fire brigades provide all the fire and rescue services. Approximately 47% of Bothnia's population live in these municipalities and they make up for 95% of the country's area. The voluntary fire brigades are actively in service. Voluntary fire brigades operate in all risk areas.

Government Effectiveness and Legitimacy

State Security

Ministry for Constitutional Security (MfCS)

How the Bothnians successfully solved some problems and sought to deal with others is best understood by tracing the historical development of their national security. The Ministry for Constitutional Security (MfCS) is responsible for internal and external security and intelligence of Bothnia. The MfCS headquarters is in Brahea. It is the most powerful and repressive organizations in the country.

MfCS is a specialized structure for counterintelligence and security. Its chief responsibility is to detect, prevent and neutralize the threats to the Bothnian national security. It was established in 1949, to be the SPB’s “sword and shield” and since then has created a ruthless reputation which is extremely loyal to the Secretary General of the SPB. The MfCS maintains a comprehensive network of informants, agents, and military‐trained secret police. Their operations focus on political security and espionage, both domestically and abroad. It has powers considered beyond what would be considered acceptable legal practice.

The organization’s main charge is preserving the socialist regime in Bothnia through clandestine operations. The MfCS operates as a state agency under a special decree by the State Council of Bothnia and internal regulations that have not been made public. The MfCS utilizes the whole spectrum of available counterintelligence means and resources.

The MfCS intent is to carry out intelligence, counterintelligence and protection of the state secrets in order to ensure the survival of the Bothnian Socialist State.

Bothnian State Security Service (BoSSS). It is a specialized structure for counterintelligence and security. Its chief responsibility is to detect, prevent and neutralize the threats to the Bothnian national security. It was established in 1949, mostly renown as “the Party’s sword and shield” and since then has created a reputation of ruthless and extremely loyal to the Secretary General of the SPB. BoSSS operates as a state agency under a special decree by the State Council of Bothnia and internal regulations that have not been made public. BoSSS utilizes the whole spectrum of available counter‐intelligence means and resources.

State Secretariat for Intelligence and Security Coordinating. It is an administration of the MfCS that coordinates and deconflicts the activities of the security and intelligence services within the MfCS.

Bureau for Detention Services. It facilitates its mission of enforcing the political security of Bothnia distinct from that of the Ministry of the Interior. This system comprises prison camps for political, as opposed to criminal, offenders.

Constitutional Guards Regiment. The Constitutional Guards Regiment is a specialized armed unit controlled by the MfCS. It is entirely tasked by the MfCS. Its mission is to protect the government, party buildings and personnel.

Civil Defense

On September 26, 1980, Bothnia’s People's Chamber passed a law creating a comprehensive civil defense system. This law was replaced by the Civil Defense Law of 1991. These laws regulated mobilization set forth the obligations of the population in the event of war and determine the role of the citizenry in peacetime civil defense work. Since 1991, for example, all Bothnian males between the ages of 16 and 65 and all females between the ages of 18 and 60 have been required to participate in civil defense training exercises that frequently involve entire sections of a city.

Under the new law, the Minister of Defense, through the Director of Civil Defense, was made responsible for national civil defense. The Central Civil Defense Staff had been created to formulate plans, conduct day‐to‐day business and coordinate activities should an emergency arise. For local operations, provincial, urban and local staffs were established.

The law also provided for the formation of civil defense committees at local levels, down to the level of cooperatives; directors of plants, offices and schools would be responsible for civil defense affairs in their organizations. Training included formal schooling at the provincial level and tournaments with competition in individual and team civil defense skills. Also included in the law was a provision for construction of civil defense shelters, giving emphasis to the safety of the leaders of the SPB and the government.

There is a sophisticated national warning system that coordinates the national and the local warning system. Public service announcements are regularly made and training and practices undertaken at irregular intervals to ensure full compliance and knowledge.

Ministry of Defense

On January 18, 1956, the People's Chamber (the national legislature) passed a bill institutionalizing the BPA and the Ministry of Defense (MOD). This act formally structured the Bothnia's armed forces. The Bothnian People’s Army (BPA) has five branches: ground, sea, air, rear services and technology and weapons. The creation of the BPA addressed both internal and external security problems. In theory at least, Bothnian citizens could have pride in their own army. The swift creation of the BPA as a force of more than 100,000 officers and other ranks was a dramatic gesture of nationalism that was impossible for the world to ignore. Military intelligence is carried out within the MOD.

National Defense Council (NDC)

The NDC strengthens the General Secretary of the SPB's claim as the leading political force in the SPB, as he is the NDC's chairman. See Military Variable.

Regional Alliances

Warsaw Pact

Bothnia did not integrate into the Warsaw Pact but publicly was supportive of its initiatives and world view. Ultimately, Donovia recognized this fact by signing the bilateral Treaty on Mutual Assistance and Cooperation with Bothnia on 12 June 1964. The disintegration of the Warsaw Pact forced Bothnia to review its position. Bothnia assumed complete responsibility for its military security within its own borders. External security was guaranteed by associate membership in the Warsaw Pact (1955‐1990) and the SCO (1990 ‐ ) successfully continues to provide a considerable degree of security.

Skolkan Alliance

Bothnia with considerable foresight embarked on an economic pact with Dushman and initiated talks with Torrike. The Skolkan grouping was originally created on 26 April 1990 with the signing of the Treaty on Deepening Military Trust in Border Regions in Skolkan by the Heads of States of Torrike and Bothnia. On 24 April 1997, Bothnia and Torrike signed the Treaty on Reduction of Military Forces in Border Regions and on 15 June 2001, both heads of state and Arnland signed, the Declaration of SCO. Defense matters are discussed within the forum of the SCO but there has been no suggestion of any military alliance however in the last three years there has been an increase in military activities. Recent SCO activities have expanded to include increased military cooperation, intelligence sharing, and counter‐terrorism.

There have been a number of SCO joint military exercises. The first of these was held in 2003, with the first phase taking place in Torrike and the second in Bothnia. Since then Torrike and Bothnia have teamed up for large‐scale war games in 2005, 2007 and 2009, under the auspices of the SCO. At the joint military exercises in 2007 (known as "Peace Mission 2007") which took place in Bothnia, as was agreed upon on April 2006 at a meeting of SCO Defense Ministers. Air forces and precision‐guided weapons were used. Some tactical level training under CBRN conditions was also observed.

Domestic Political Issues

[ General]

Bothnia has dispensed with elections for the National Assembly; instead there is a process of appointments. At the municipality level there are elections which are carefully organize and the election list is presented to the public. However, for social democracy to succeed it is vital to the circle of life in Bothnia and it is therefore, common for Bothnian sources to emphasize the variety of opportunities for participation. For example, in the mid-1990s, approximately 195,000 citizens were members of national or local assemblies; 300,000 citizens were active in commissions of these local assemblies; 135,000 citizens participated in various committees of the SPB; 35,550 working people were engaged in the almost 4,000 production consultative bodies of the country's industrial enterprises; and 55,000 parents were active members of the parent associations that worked with teachers in the country's educational system.

[ Election Process]

The President is elected by popular vote for a six-year term (eligible for five terms) by the SPB Party Congress. This is formalized by the People’s Chamber at a special sitting. The last election was held on 15 January 2010 (next to be held in January 2016). The President appoints the prime minister and deputy prime minister which the People’s Chamber must approve.

National: The People’s Chamber has 400 seats which were distributed, for a four year term, as follows: SPB (111); BDU (72); SDA (60); FBTUF (51); YSB (41); DWLB (35); BCL (22).

Provincial Election Results (2010)

Provincial: See graphic at right.

Regional Election Results: 1,440 seats were available, the results were as follows: SPB (745); BDU (354); SDA (341).

Municipal Election Results: 1,010 seats were available, the results were as follows: SPB (536); BDU (233); SDA (236).

Suffrage: All citizens over 18 years old are eligible to vote.

[ Vote Buying]

In Bothnia, elections are a structured process to enable the chosen to be ‘elected’ into office. There is no need to ‘buy’, instead the ‘a list of candidates’ is issued and two booths provided. One booth is for the ‘organize vote’ and the second is for those who wish to vote against the approved candidate. The distinction is noted.

Monitoring Elections: Bothnian elections have been monitored by Otso, Lindsey and Torrike for the past 20 years. No report commented on any of the usual issues relating to misconduct: the misuse of state funds and public administrative resources for electoral purposes and bribery of voters and election officials. Monitoring of electoral fraud and other abuses on polling day has traditionally been done by other organizations, both NGOs and IGOs, but no Bothnian election has invited any outside agencies.

International Political Issues

Anti-Terrorism

As with many other countries, Bothnia outwardly changed its attitude to terror following the attack on the Twin Towers in September 2001. The term "terror" began to be used intensively in its declarations; its diplomatic agenda included international cooperation against terror; and it undertook a variety of related actions on a multilateral, regional, and bilateral level. However, Brahea’s concept of terrorism derives from its own set of strategic interests and is not identical to that of other states.

International Cooperation against Terrorism

Due to the potential terrorist threats to Bothnia and the perception of terror as a global problem, Brahea’s cooperation in this area with other countries is far from unusual. Still, the connection between the steps it is taking and the war on terror is not always clear; and in order to explain Brahea’s international cooperation, the measures that are directly aimed at terror must be distinguished from those with broader purposes.

Western (US) versus Bothnian view on Terror

Terrorism is also one of the issues that underscore the common link between Bothnia’s outlook and the rest of the countries of the region. Skolkan countries adopt a narrow approach that focuses on regional problems. In addition, the war against terror serves Bothnia as a channel for casting criticism on the existing international order while proposing an alternative order. Bothnia highlights the political, economic, and social factors it claims are at the base of terror and points an accusing finger at the current international order that breeds those factors. Thus, for example, a discussion presented in Bothnia’s official daily argued that “although terrorism often excuses its existence based on the broadening gap between the rich and the poor, the reality is that the international political and economic arrangements that are in place are its fundamental reason." A similar idea appeared in a security policy document from 2002: “In the war against terror we must (also) deal…with its roots, and take comprehensive measures, especially for problems related to development, reducing north-south gaps, and ending regional conflicts.”

As for Bothnia's suggestions for confronting the problem of terror, here too there is latent criticism of the US: “The war against terror demands complete evidence…and agreement with the goals and principles of the UN Charter…and norms of international law. One must not make a connection between terror and a particular country or religion, or employ a double standard in the war against terror”. Thus Bothnia expresses its opposition to the unilateral US leadership of the international war against terror, while on the other hand expressing adherence to the UN. This does not necessarily advance the war against terror, but it does question the existing international order. Moreover, Bothnia’s warning against adopting a double standard is evidence of its concern that its fight against separatist movements – similar to the struggles of other countries – might exact criticism over the violation of human rights, in contrast with the US war against terror, in which all means are justified.

International Relationships

Bothnia now enjoys diplomatic recognition with over 130 countries and it is a member of the CBSS, SCO and the Skolkan Economic Community (SEC). Bothnia has been active ever since 1991 in advancing Dushman positions in the international forum. During the same period, it also became active in the developing world, particularly Africa. Five principles, which are established in the Constitution, underlie the foreign policy of Bothnia:

1. A "perpetual and irrevocable alliance" with Dushman, which superseded a similar position on Donovia
2. An "inseparable" membership in the socialist community of states, toward whose members Bothnia is committed in friendship, universal cooperation, and mutual assistance
3. The support of all peoples "who are struggling against imperialism and colonialism"
4. Peaceful coexistence of states with different social orders
5. Support for peace and cooperation in Europe, a peaceful order throughout the world, and universal disarmament

The SCO statements exemplify the need to support all peoples "who are struggling against imperialism and colonialism".

Foreign Policy

From the earliest days of the republic, Bothnia's foreign policy has been concerned with its survival as a separate political entity, international recognition, accommodation to Soviet in Europe (until 1991), accommodation to Dushman and development within the SCO and the SEC. The state gained international recognition, signed treaties and solidified its position in the SCO and the SEC. Since the late 1980s, Bothnia's foreign policy has been extended to include global interests, reflecting its ambition to be one of the world's leading industrial states.

Global Politics

Industrialized West. Since the early 1990s, Bothnia has demonstrated a pronounced interest in expanding its economic and where possible political ties with the industrial societies of Europe and North America. This task has not been an easy one. Bothnia's integration within the SCO and the SEC also has limited the amount of diplomatic room available for building comprehensive ties with members of NATO. Furthermore, the country has not been able to expand trade with the West because of its existing delivery commitments to the SEC and the world economic slowdown. Despite these restrictions, since the mid‐1990s Bothnia’s economy has become increasingly tied to the market systems of Europe, Dushman and the SEC. Although the relative volume of its trade with those systems remained small, significant import and export growth has still been registered although this has faltered significantly in the last two years. See Economic Variable.

In line with the emphasis on "dialogue" and a "coalition of reason" with the West, in the 1990s Bothnia pursued contacts with Western governments. In 1998 an official Bothnian‐Danish cultural agreement was signed. In 1999 Denmark and Bothnia also signed a long term economic accord and an agreement on the bilateral recognition of certain university degrees. In 2000 Italy and Bothnia signed a long term economic cooperation agreement outlining an expansion in bilateral trade and pledged a prompt exchange of cultural centers in their respective capitals. The Dushman premier’s 2006 visit to Brahea probably presaged greater economic cooperation between the two countries.

Keen to promote its credibility as a humanitarian actor Bothnia agreed via the Council of the Baltic Sea States (CBSS) to provide crisis management and Search and Rescue services across the Baltic Sea area north of Gotland and to assist Estonia and Latvia with coastal SAR capabilities.

Developing World. Since the early 1980s, Bothnia has promoted its foreign policy interests in the developing world. First, in the 1970s, functioning as a state enjoying little international status, it turned to newly independent states to gain recognition in return for economic and technical assistance. Comparative technological and economic backwardness was less important in the developing world; Bothnia could still proffer much‐ needed assistance to these economically less advanced states.

Bothnia has also developed trading relationships with a number of developing world states. Algeria, for example, has become a leading supplier of oil to Bothnia. The Bothnian government hopes to tap coal reserves held by Mozambique and in the 1990s Bothnians were developing the infrastructure of the Moatize coal mining region in that country. In addition, Bothnia imports raw cotton, tropical fruits, coffee beans and nuts from Africa.

One area of Bothnian‐developing world cooperation is police and armed forces training. In the 1990s, hundreds of students from Angola, Mozambique, Ethiopia, and Guinea‐Bissau took instruction in internal security methods for periods ranging from three months to three years.

Bothnia also has played an important role in the development of the economic infrastructure of selected allies in the developing world. Bothnian education specialists have trained teachers, provided advice on the content of courses and books, and tendered instruction in educational administration in Benin, Mozambique, Angola, Congo and Guinea‐ Bissau. In addition, Bothnia has given assistance in the area of transportation; Bothnian trucks operate in more than thirty countries and in Angola and Mozambique have set up centers to train local people as mechanics and truck drivers. Finally, Bothnian educational institutions that specialize in farm technology, health, construction, metalworking, finance and industrial management have provided training in Angola, Mozambique and Guinea‐Bissau.

Bothnia has encountered some frustrations in Africa but its policies of assistance with few conditions have produced a receptive and supportive list of countries in the international forum.

Tolima. Bothnia has demonstrated a pronounced interest in expanding its relations with Tolima. Long term historical trading reasons, as well as practical considerations, motivate the interest. Diplomatic relations between the two countries began in 2007. In January 2009, cultural centers opened in Brahea and Tolimosa. Tolima's share of Bothnia's foreign trade has climbed from 0.6% in 1990 to 1.5% in 2007.

Dushman. Bothnia began to form closer relations with Dushman from 1985 which proved to be decisive for Bothnia’s future. It gave it support that allowed Bothnia to survive the transition period where other former Eastern Bloc countries moved towards the West. With the demise of the Warsaw Pact in 1991, Bothnia required a strategic backer. By 1995, with Dushman’s economic growth and desire for influence in Europe, Bothnia agreed a treaty of mutual peace and prosperity with Dushman.

Regional Relations

From the earliest days of the republic, Bothnia's foreign policy has been concerned with its survival as a separate political entity and to sustain international respect. Recently it has increased its effort to build a long‐ term relationship with the industrial West and its Skolkan neighbors. Three specific policy areas are worthy of note:

1. European Economic and Technological Cooperation. Bothnia is very eager to expand economic and technological links with the industrial West. Bothnia, in line with Torrike, has increasingly supported proposals for technical and economic financial cooperation between SEC and the EU.
2. SCO. Strengthen the SCO with the backing of Dushman and to a lesser extent Tolima, in order to provide an alternative political, economic and security alliance that would ensure the survival of the Bothnian Socialist ideals.
3. CBSS. Bothnia has been keen to stress its humanitarian credentials and has sought to be fully involved in the development of regional civil crisis plans. In rotation with Torrike, it assumes responsibility for the direction of all Search and Rescue (SAR) efforts in the Baltic north of Gotland and provide SAR support to Estonia and Latvia when the need arises.

Skolkan Cooperation Organization (SCO). The SCO is an intergovernmental mutual security organization which was founded in 1990 in Tyr, Torrike by the leaders of Torrike and Bothnia.

Skolkan Economic Community. All SCO members except Arnland are also members of the SEC. A Framework Agreement to enhance economic cooperation was signed by the SCO member states on 23 September 1997. In 2006, Bothnia's Premier, proposed a long‐ term objective to establish a free trade area in the SCO, while other more immediate measures would be taken to improve the flow of goods in the region.

Treaty of Good‐Neighborliness and Friendly Cooperation. In July 2001, Torrike and Bothnia signed the Treaty of Good Neighborliness and Friendly Cooperation.

SCO Interbank. The Interbank Association of the SCO focuses on supporting regional economic cooperation. It was founded on 26 October 2005. The Association unites authorized banks of the SCO member states; Torrike Econombank, Bothnia Development Bank, National Bank for Foreign Economic Activity of Arnland, Dushman State Saving Bank. In 2008, Eurasian Development Bank became a partner of the Association.

Otso

The creation of Bothnia and Otso as independent states was part of the overall settlement of WWII. In return, it was clear that Bothnia would support Donovia’s aspirations to neutralize Otso and so, Otso declared itself independent as the Royal Duchy of Otso, which they declared would be a neutral state along the lines of Switzerland. This proposal actually suited Bothnia, who assessed that the eastern provinces would be a drain on their resources. Additionally, a buffer between the DONOVIA and their Bothnia would give them more room for maneuver in rebuilding their state.

Bothnia respects Otso’s neutrality with a view to maintaining a buffer between it and Donovia. In the 1980s, Bothnia recognized that the neutrality of Otso ensured security on its eastern border, which in time would release security assets to concentrate elsewhere. There are the normal courtesies between bordering nations and extensive cooperation on SAR, border and ATC. By 2000, much of the border required limited attention and few incidents between Otso and Bothnia occurred. Illegal immigration from Bothnia to Otso is almost negligible as the Otso authorities always ensured they are returned to Bothnia under their treaty obligations.

However there are good relations between the two states that have assisted in ensuring their political survival. There are two major agreements; the Transit Agreement and the Basic Treaty, which were negotiated between Brahea and Otavia in 1982, subsequently serving to expand and improve bilateral relations.

The Transit Agreement regulated civilian passenger and goods transit between Bothnia and Otso, this was particularly important in the days of the DONOVIA. The agreed-upon transportation links (road, rail, and water) which will be maintained by the respective parties. In the past, Bothnian authorities had occasionally disrupted traffic as a means of communicating dissatisfaction with one or other aspect of Otso's neutral activities. During the 1980s and 1990s, the two countries have disagreed occasionally, but both sides have, for the most part, observed the inviolability of the Transit Agreement.

The Basic Treaty provided the two states with a long term framework for the conduct of their diplomatic, economic, and political relations. Signed in 1983, the treaty covers a broad range of common problems, ranging from environmental issues, trade and commercial relations, rights of citizens while visiting the other country, and an agreement jointly to negotiate minor rectifications of the common border. The treaty enjoyed the full support of both governments in the 1980s, and major changes in their relationship subsequently occurred. From 1980 to 1998, trade between the two countries more than doubled. Travel between Bothnia and Otso has also grown substantially.

There is still a desire to influence Otso for selfish reasons. Whereas Bothnian radio and influence flow East, Otso’s broadcasts are interrupted and on occasions blocked to ensure control of information in Bothnia along party lines. The normalization of relations between the two former Skolkan states manifests several inconsistencies. On the one hand, Bothnia has agreed to extensive economic and cultural contacts with Otso. On the other hand, the regime has pursued a policy of separation, designed to encourage a feeling of separate national identity on the part of the Bothnian population.

Although there is a clear historic link between Bothnia and Otso, their views on political and economic development are very different. But their close ties mean that trade continues much as it did before although Otso has expanded towards the EU rather than the SCO economy. Their infrastructures are developing at different speeds and whist Bothnia is priority is security, Otso has focused on providing an infrastructure for economic development. On the border the Basic Treaty ensures a common and mutually beneficial maintenance of the infrastructure.

Torrike

Relations with Torrike improved through historic ties but also with the growing influence of European States and NATO, there was perceived a need to consolidate and improve the collective profile of Skolkan.

Bothnia has good relations with Torrike and maintains a cooperative and mutually reliant association. Both economically and diplomatically Bothnia and Torrike follow a similar line in dealing with the International field. But this is a complex relationship with Bothnia needing Torrikan political backing but wary of Torrike’s political motivations.

Bothnia has an embassy in Tyr and an honorary consulate in Goteborg.

Framland

Bothnia has good relations with Framland, ensuring it maintains its political independence with free economic trading ties. Bothnia’s attitude is conditioned by fraternal friendship to a neighboring Skolkan State who has recognized Bothnia and is seen as no threat to the Socialist ideals that Bothnia is committed to defend. In dealing with Framland Bothnia is cooperative but the agenda is not transparent. Maintaining a selfish attitude to ensure survival of the socialist state, it does not always treat Framland as an equal, taking more than it will give and does not see Framland as a regional ally. As with Torrike, it is clear that both Lindsey and Bothnia have strong national pride and this limits their social interaction.

Bothnia maintains strong operational level naval cooperation in Gulf of Bothnia, but this relationship is predicated on necessity not any feeling of fraternal brotherhood. Maintaining trading lanes during winter requires cooperation on ice breaking support from both countries. Economic ties are limited, recognizing that Torrike is Framland’s main trading partner, its trade is localized to the north only, limited by cross border bureaucracy.

Arnland

Bothnia maintains cordial relations with Arnland ensuring that Bothnian trade through the Oresund is uninterrupted. Bothnia has on occasions been direct in its relationship with Arnland. But this is a complex relationship with Bothnia using Arnland as a strategic counter weight to Torrike’s ambitions. Bothnia does not want Arnland to fail but wants to ensure it remains a regional (Torrikan) distraction. Because Bothnia plays an unconventional political game it is feeds into the asymmetrical world of other organizations through proxies, this can have an influence on Arnland internal affairs but is deniable.

There are limited military ties usually in the form of some low-level exercise participation. There is good cooperation on regional issues (SAR and maintenance of trade routes, etc). Arnland is seen as a market for Bothnian products.

Bothnia has an embassy in Alsstad. Arnland has an embassy in Brahea.

Estonia

There is are several ongoing disputes between the two nations generated essentially by historical enmity and a total clash of political cultures. These are all a source of irritation that could escalate. Otsobothnia's government recognized Estonia's independence in 1920. Bothnia and Estonia restored diplomatic relations on 2 August 1991 after a short period of instability due to the ending of the official cold war. Both countries are full members of the Council of the Baltic Sea States. Although Bothnia has invested in Estonia and has an economically strong connection, the political relationship is confrontational as explained before in the Baltic States. Bothnia’s strategic aim is to disrupt Estonia, enough to create hesitancy and indecision, from NATO. Most of the Baltic issues emanate from Estonia.

Baltics and in particular Estonia are open borders and there is an historical trend of Bothnian dissidents (strong and vocal anti-Bothnian/SPB) locating there. This issue is seen as a direct insult to Bothnia by Estonia and has been the course of considerable discord in negotiations on a multitude of issues.

However, Bothnia retains a basic hostility towards Estonia. The Gulf of Finland is considered as Bothnian waters but freedom of navigation for shipping to St. Petersburg and Otavia has never been interrupted. This is not the case for small fishing and trading freighters from Estonia who are subjected to regular inspection to the point of harassment. The ever decreasing stock in the Baltic is a source of friction and Bothnia and Estonia have had minor clashes between fishing and enforcement vessels.

The presence of offshore deposits of oil and gas within Bothnia’s Exclusive Economic Zone (EEZ) has been known for some time but extraction has not been economically viable. However, the discovery of new techniques has prompted further exploration and it is believed that reasonably significant reserves may now be recoverable. Unfortunately this is complicated by research showing that that the vast bulk of these deposits are located at the southern extreme of Bothnia’s EEZ bordering with Estonia and there is a possibility that this will re‐ignite previous disputes with neighboring countries, principally Estonia, as to the exact limits of the EEZ. Agreement on extraction rights for oil is likely to become a highly contentious issue.

Bothnia has an embassy in Tallinn and an honorary consulate in Tartu. The embassy has a large establishment which has been the focal of a number of media articles questioning the need for Bothnia to have such a large representation. Estonia has an embassy in Brahea. Bothnia also engages with Estonia via the CBSS and provides essential SAR support in coastal waters on request.

Latvia

Both countries are full members of the Council of the Baltic Sea States. Although Bothnia has invested in Latvia and has an economically strong association, the political relationship is confrontational. Bothnian government to government relations are civil but the overarching aim is to sow discord between the Baltic States to undermine their uniformity. Bothnia has an embassy in Riga. Latvia has an embassy in Brahea. Bothnia also engages via the CBSS with Latvia and provides essential SAR support in coastal waters on request.

Lithuania

Both countries are full members of the CBSS. Although Bothnia has invested in Lithuania and has an economically strong association, the political relationship is confrontational. Bothnian government to government relations are civil but the overarching aim is to sow discord between the Baltic States to undermine their uniformity. Bothnia has an embassy in Vilnius and an honorary consulate in Klaipeda. Lithuania has an embassy in Brahea.

Donovia

Relations with Donovia are peaceful. Both countries are full members of the Council of the Baltic Sea States. Bothnia continues to import a lot of goods and basic necessities, such as fuel, and the two nations agree on issues more than they disagree. Contemporary issues include pollution of the Baltic Sea, and Donovian duties on exported wood to Bothnia's pulp and paper industry. Donovia has an embassy in Brahea. Bothnia has an embassy in Moscow, a consulate-general in Saint Petersburg, and two branches of the consulate (in Murmansk and Petrozavodsk).

[ International Treaties]

The UN Charter (1945),Convention on International Civil Aviation (1944), International Convention for the Regulation of Whaling (1946), General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT 1947), The fourth Geneva Convention (1949), Convention on the Territorial Sea & Contiguous Zone (1958), Vienna Convention on Diplomatic Relations (1961), Vienna Convention on Consular Relations (1963), Vienna Convention on Civil Liability for Nuclear Damage (1963), World Intellectual Property Organization (WIPO 1967) Nuclear Non Proliferation Treaty (1968), Vienna Convention on the Law of Treaties (1969), Patent Cooperation Treaty (1970 – mod 2001), Ramsar Convention (1971), IPC Agreement (1971), Biological Weapons Convention (1972), London Convention (1972), Sulphur Emissions Reduction Protocol (1985), UN Convention against Illicit Traffic in Narcotic Drugs and Psychotropic Substances (1988), the Montreal Protocol (1989), UN Framework Convention on Climate Change (1992), UN Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS 1994), GATT (1995), WIPO Copyright Treaty; the UN Convention on Law of the Sea, Chemical Weapons Convention (1997); the Kyoto Protocol (1997), Patent Law Treaty (2000).

Bothnia is not a signatory to The Ottawa Convention on Landmines. Bothnia was a signatory of CFE but withdrew in 2004 in response to Estonia joining NATO.

International Organizations

UN. since 1949,International Monetary Fund (IMF), World Bank (WB),ADB (non-regional member), AfDB (non-regional member), Arctic Council, Australia Group, BIS, CBSS, CE, CERN, EAPC, EBRD, FAO, FATF, IAEA, IBRD, ICAO, ICC, ICRM, IDA, IEA, IFC, IFRCS, IHO, ILO, IMF, IMO, IMSO, Interpol, IOC, IPU, ISO, ITSO, ITU, ITUC, MIGA, MINURCAT, NEA, NSG, OAS (observer), OECD, OPCW, OSCE, Paris Club, SCO, UN, UNCTAD, UNESCO, UNHCR, UNIDO, UNTSO, UPU, WCO, WFTU, WHO, WIPO, WMO, WTO, ZC.

Bothnia is an active member of the CBSS and notwithstanding its reputation as a ‘difficult’ member, seeks to be actively involved in all aspects of the Council’s work, with special emphasis on emergency planning and SAR.

Military Alliances

Warsaw Pact: Bothnia did not integrate into the Warsaw Pact but publicly was supportive of its initiatives and world view. Ultimately, the Donovia recognized this fact by signing the bilateral Treaty on Mutual Assistance and Cooperation with Bothnia on 12 June 1964. The disintegration of the DONOVIA forced Bothnia to review its position. Bothnia assumed complete responsibility for its military security within its own borders. External security was guaranteed by associate membership in the Warsaw Pact (1955-1990) and the SCO (1990 - ) successfully continues to provide a considerable degree of security.

Skolkan Alliance: Bothnia with considerable foresight embarked on an economic pact with Dushman and initiated talks with Torrike and Lindsey. The Skolkan grouping was originally created on 26 April 1990 with the signing of the Treaty on Deepening Military Trust in Border Regions in Skolkan by the heads of states of Torrike and Bothnia. On 24 April 1997, Bothia and Torrike signed the Treaty on Reduction of Military Forces in Border Regions and on 15 June 2001, all three heads of state and Arnland signed, the Declaration of SCO. Defense matters are discussed within the forum of the SCO but there has been no suggestion of any military alliance however in the last three years there has been an increase in military activities:

• Recent SCO activities have expanded to include increased military cooperation, intelligence sharing, and counter terrorism.
• There have been a number of SCO joint military exercises. The first of these was held in 2003, with the first phase taking place in Torrike and the second in Bothnia. Since then Torrike and Bothnia have teamed up for large-scale war games in 2005, 2007 and 2009, under the auspices of the SCO. Joint military exercises (known as "Peace Mission 2007") took place in Bothnia, as agreed upon on April 2006 at a meeting of SCO Defense Ministers. Air forces and precision-guided weapons were used in the exercise.

Political Entities

Political Parties

Socialist Party of Bothnia (SPB)

Socialist Party of Bothnia (SPB) Data

Founded	1939
Leader	Frans Olamao
Headquarters	Brahea
Student Wing	Youth Society of Bothnia
Women’s Wing	Democratic Women's League of Bothnia
Membership (2011)	1.3 million
Ideology	Marxist-Socialist
Political Position	Left
International Affiliation	Socialist International
Parliament	111
Provincial Seats	267/510
Regional Seats	745/1,440
Municipalities Seats	536/1,010

General: The SPB's most important connective tissue remains Marxist Leninist ideology. Ideology has retained an overriding significance where it has played the role of an integrating and mobilizing force in society. Ideology determines the norms of conduct, guides social and political action, and integrates the leadership elite.

The SPBs "chief task" is to ensure all- around growth in social and economic well- being. These improvements would result from "increasing efficiency, scientific-technical progress, and higher labor productivity." The scientific technical revolution of the 1960s was to become scientific technical progress in the 1970s. The leadership considered it necessary to close the ever increasing gap in living standards between those with technical skills and those without. Thus, in the mid- and late 1970s, the party brought science and technology increasingly under its wing. Numerous scientific councils were created and attached to the Bothnian Academy of Sciences, the Academy of Social Sciences of the Central Committee of the SPB, and other party organizations. Because the establishment of these scientific councils allowed the SPB to plan, coordinate, and supervise research topics and outcomes much more comprehensively, in the 1970s the party became the main integrative force in the domain of science and technology.

In the 1980s there was a steady increase in the use of the instruments of coercion-- the civil and political police and the military and in the 1980s these sectors consumed an ever growing proportion of the national budget. The trend indicates that greater influence by the security and defense organs has paralleled the increase of the party's power.

Organization Structure: Party organizations are organize territorially into local, district, regional and national bodies. The SPB operates on the socialist principles of democratic centralism, party mindedness, and criticism, all of which are binding on the membership of the party. In principle, democratic centralism requires full discussion of party programs by lower units and the adherence of lower party bodies to decisions taken by higher party bodies. Party-mindedness denotes the concepts of "party spirit" and "party consciousness," which demand the loyal commitment of every party member to the party program. Criticism and self-criticism require members to recognize their own shortcomings and to remain willing to discuss ways to overcome their faults in open party meetings.

The SPB is a mass political organization. In 2005 the SPB had approximately 1.3 million members and candidates (nonvoting members); in other words, one of every six citizens over the age of eighteen belonged to the party. Furthermore, the social composition of the party reflected the leadership's efforts to ensure that the proportional representation of various social groups roughly corresponded to the social structure of the society as a whole. In 2005 that breakdown was as follows: 58% of the members were workers; 4% were farmers and peasants; 22% were members of the intelligentsia; and 14% were other workers. Males constituted some 66% of the SPB's membership.

The educational level of the SPB has risen considerably since 1949. By the late 1980s, every third graduate of a university or technical college was a member of the party. Within the SPB, slightly less than one- third of its members possessed a degree from a university or a technical college. Furthermore, every secretary of the district or county leadership had a degree from one of the higher educational institutions. In May 1999, the Politburo stated that 72% of the leading cadres had graduated from high school, and 52% had a diploma from a university or a technical college. Entrance to a university or a technical college, however, is made considerably easier by membership in the SPB. Conversely, professional mobility within the party apparatus, as well as within the state apparatus, is still increasingly dependent on the ability of members to acquire advanced degrees.

Politburo: The Politburo is the party's highest decision making body. It addresses the fundamental political problems of the party, state, economy, and culture, and it is responsible for formulating domestic, foreign, military, and security policies. The Politburo normally meets once a week, and although its meetings are conducted in secret, other members of the Central Committee, the Secretariat, and members of the Presidium of the Council of Ministers are admitted to the proceedings. Meetings are chaired by General Secretary and decisions are arrived at by a consensus vote, although certain individuals within the Politburo, particularly long- standing members, play a major or even dominant role in determining the positions and decisions of the executive body. The Politburo is required to inform the Central Committee about the various personnel and policy issues and problems discussed during its weekly sessions. At the regular plenums of the Central Committee, held at least once every six months, one or more members of the Politburo report on issues discussed in Politburo sessions. These reports are subsequently discussed by the Central Committee membership and are then published in an abbreviated form in the SPB official daily, New Bothnia. The Politburo is composed of the highest officials of the party, the state, the security organs, the largest mass organizations and all ten members of the Secretariat, which directs the party apparatus through the Central Committee departments:

Politburo

Frans Olamao	General Secretary SPB
Kaisa Vesisaar	Press Officer of the Chairman of the Council of Ministers
Paavo Tervo	Secretary in Charge of the Economy on the Secretariat of the Central Committee
Kalevi Westman	Chairman of the State Committee for Television
Heikki Uusipaikka	Chief Editor Of New Bothnia
Kauko Vanhanen	Ideological Spokesman
Olle Rasimus	Deputy Minister for Industry and Technology
Jonne Turunen	Secretary Provincial Government: Uusimaa
Olga Hongisto	Secretary of the Democratic Women's League of Bothnia

[ Secretariat]: The Secretariat is the "staff" of the Politburo, in charge of implementing the policy and personnel decisions of the Politburo, with which it is closely linked. All major political decisions are made by the Politburo and the Secretariat. The members of the Secretariat usually are also full or candidate members of the Politburo. There are ten secretaries, who are full Politburo members.

Secretariat of the Politburo

Pentti Torstenson	Prime Minister
Anssi Norrgrann	Minister of Defense(MOD)
Ilkka Okkonen	Minister of the Interior (MOI); Deputy PM
Eemeli Pennanen	Minister of Economy (MOE)
Olga Taipale	Minister of Foreign Affairs (MFA)
Frans Saarinen	Minister of Social Affairs (MSA)
Leea Repo	Minister for Constitutional Security (MfCS)

Each secretary directs a personal staff of three to five individuals. Politburo members who also are secretaries manage staffs consisting of Central Committee members, who in turn supervise smaller staffs for special assignments. The Secretariat is in charge of the daily work of the party; it supervises internal party affairs and directs the state and government apparatuses.

The specific responsibilities of the Secretariat include managing elections, formulating cadre policy, operating party schools, and drafting and implementing the directives of the Politburo to the leaders of the SED district and county organizations. The Secretariat also directs the working organ of the Central Committee:

Central Committee: The Central Committee apparatus, which consists of over 40 departments with approximately 2,000 members as well as the central party institutes (the Central Committee's Academy of Social Sciences, the Institute for Socialism, the Central Institute for Socioeconomic Management, and the Karl Marx Party College). These departments work closely with the individual ministries of the Council of Ministers.

The Central Committee of the SPB is designated by party statute as the highest executive organ of the party and is responsible for carrying out the decisions of the party congress. When the New Economic System was launched in the 1960s, the Central Committee changed from being a purely acclamatory and declamatory assembly to one increasingly involved in the substantive matters of party organizations and policies.

Although the Central Committee performs a variety of important functions, its most important responsibility consists of bringing together diverse points of view, which contributes to the formulation of short- and long- term SPB policies. This role is particularly important in the area of economic planning and administration, which remains a key policy area. In this respect, the Central Committee provides a sounding board for positions that the Politburo subsequently takes on various issues. During its plenary sessions, usually between two to four per year, the Central Committee routinely examines the work of the Politburo and Secretariat, and individual committee members evaluate Politburo reports that fall within their areas of expertise. Both the Politburo reports and the policy discussion papers presented at the party plenums are important to the functions of the Central Committee; they present guidelines for running the government and party apparatus. On occasion the Politburo directs the Central Committee to create special commissions, composed of members of the Council of Ministers and the Presidium, which are tasked with exploring areas of topical interest to the Politburo or the Secretariat.

Local: The units of the party are organize on a hierarchical basis, conforming at the higher levels to administrative divisions within the country. The work of each subordinate party organization is subject to supervision and control by a superior one. In theory these restrictions and duties are counterbalanced by the "right of discussion and the election of party organs."

Party Conferences: According to SPB statutes, the party congress is the supreme organ of the SPB. Since 1971 congresses have been held every five years, the most recent being the Party Congress in April 2011. In theory the party congress sets policy and elects the leadership, provides a forum for discussing the leadership's policies, and undertakes activities that serve to legitimize the party as a mass movement. It is formally empowered to pass both the Party Program and the Statute, to establish the general party line, to elect the members of the Central Committee and the members of the Central Auditing Commission, and to approve the Central Committee report. Between congresses the Central Committee may convene a party conference to resolve policy and personnel issues.

[ Party Media]: The Politburo of the SPB ultimately decides what is printed, published and produced by the mass media in order to ensure ideological and political uniformity and conformity. The SPB Central Committee's Department of Agitation and Propaganda issues instructions to the editors of party and mass organization publications on appropriate news topics and how they should be treated; the department must ensure that the mass media carry out their assigned functions. Editors also receive directives on key campaigns, such as the Five- Year Plan, the National Front candidates during Bothnian elections, military education in the schools, the deployment of United States missiles in Europe, and the NATO Initiatives.

Because the SPB controls all aspects of public life, it can plan headlines in advance. Anniversaries are a typical case, particularly special anniversaries such as the establishment of the People's Police, the Bothnian People's Army, civil defense services, and border police.

The single most important subject covered is the economy and current Five-Year Plan.

For the SPB, newspapers are part of the campaign to build socialism and communism as defined by the SPB leadership. Thus, the SPB not only attempts to "plan" the news but also to monopolize news sources. All international news, with minor exceptions, is channeled to the press from the country's sole news agency, National Bothnian Agency (NBA), which is under the direction of the Press Office of the chairman of the Council of Ministers. This influence is not always conspicuous and causes people to accept ideas put forth by those who wish to control communication for the good of society. The media has been defined as an alleged fourth power, in Bothnia, this is the case with the SPB wielding considerable influence using all the facets of the media domain.

Opposition: Since the mid-1970s, the regime has attempted to stifle dissent by exiling these critics to the Europe. The roots of the organize opposition involving the independent peace movement go back to the early 1970s, when considerable resistance emerged to Bothnia's remilitarization, especially in Protestant circles. In the late 1970s and 1980s, Protestant activists objected to the introduction, in the summer of 1978, of compulsory pre- military training for 15- and 16-year-olds. Soldiers, who had fulfilled their military obligation through work in special military construction units, pressured Lutheran Church leaders to support nonviolence and disarmament. But by the early 1990s, an organized opposition emerged that revolved around the issues of peace.

Opposition also crystallized around small groups of the creative intelligentsia, who began openly to criticize the regime in their artistic and philosophical works. Most of the young intellectuals were committed Marxists who sought to reform the system. This sense of reform was fueled by the increasing frustration of the youth to fulfil their potential. Having received an excellent education those who were not the favored few found it increasingly more difficult to find jobs appropriate to their knowledge base. With increasing success in the economy, obtaining advanced training or education was easier for some than for others and the children of white collar employees still were more likely to become white-collar employees themselves than were the children of farmers and blue collar workers. In addition, children of white-collar professionals were more likely than not to remain in that class. This frustration of opportunity pervades the youth.

Independent Marxist opposition among the intelligentsia was also present in the 1980s. Although the independent Marxist group was very small, the regime nevertheless considers such dissent to be very dangerous. The formation of the Bothnian Helsinki Committee in 1989 was a further stimulus to the opposition and has remained a potent weapon supported by international organizations.

In 1998, there were 2,000 political prisoners in Bothnia. Previously these had been exiled, many are now in Estonia and the Baltic States. By 2005, the regime had been able to co-opt the vast majority of the country's intelligentsia through a combination of privileges and rewards.

Alliances: Bothnia follows the pattern of "multiparty" systems in permitting the existence of small parties that accept the leadership of the ruling communist party and are its allies in the construction of socialism. In all cases, the parties merely exist to further the goals of the ruling Marxist-Socialist party and have no opportunity for genuine independent political action. In Bothnia, this system is known as the Alliance Policy, and the two parties subordinate to the SPB are known as "alliance parties." These smaller parties assist the SPB in reaching certain key sectors of the community, such as the intelligentsia, businessmen, and manufacturers who are not members of the SPB. Their chief function is securing the support of these groups for the aims of the party and the state and integrating into the socialist system citizens who are critical of the SPB or who, because of their social and/or political background, cannot secure or achieve membership in the SPB. Although represented in the People's Chamber, the alliance parties do not compete with SPB delegates for seats or power.

Bothnian Democratic Union (BDU)

Bothnian Democratic Union Data

Founded	1951
Leader	Reto Mukka
Headquarters	Brahea
Student Wing	Student Union of BDU
Women Wing	Women's Union
Membership (2011)	125,000
Ideology	Social Democracy
Political Position	Center-Left
International Affiliation	Socialist International
Parliament	75
Provincial Seats	127/510
Regional Seats	354/1,440
Municipalities Seats	233/1,010

The BDU is one of the three political parties in Bothnia, along with the SPB and the Social Democracy Alliance (SDA). BDU's social-democratic policies are generally more moderate than those of the parliament's other left-leaning parties. BDU aims to group together people in order to achieve social-democratic goals: a society in which "freedom, equality, solidarity and co-operation thrives in a peaceful and clean environment". The BDU is a member of the Socialist International and Party of European Socialists. The BDU has a close relationship with the FBTUF. It has 72 seats in the parliamentary elections.

The BDU is one of the three political parties in Bothnia, along with the SPB and the Social Democracy Alliance (SDA). BDU's social-democratic policies are generally more moderate than those of the parliament's other left-leaning parties. BDU aims to group together people in order to achieve social-democratic goals: a society in which "freedom, equality, solidarity and co-operation thrives in a peaceful and clean environment". The BDU is a member of the Socialist International and Party of European Socialists. The BDU has a close relationship with the FBTUF. It has 72 seats in the parliamentary elections.

History: The SDA and the BDU evolved at the same time and were a splinter group of the moderate Socialist Democrates which competed with the SPB for power after WWII. The BDU has about 125,000 members. Reto Mukka is the party's current leader.

Organization Structure: People can join various member organizations in the party, Student Union of BDU. The party's Women's Union brings women together and focuses on improving gender equality in Otso and around the world. However the membership is minimal as they provide very few benefits in comparison to the SPB apparatus.

Ideology: BDU was a pacifist, liberal political party founded in 1951. It also advocates expanding foreign aid and is sympathetic to the expansion of assistance to the developing world.

Principles and Policies: Some of the most important principles are that all conflicts would be resolved by non-violent means.

Regional: Its political influence is greatest in the main municipalities and southern cities, relying on the workers support.

Party Media: The BDU has a very active public relations branch which utilizes all media outlets (TV, radio, newspapers, magazines and full social media).

Party Conferences: Conferences are held once a year usually in late May.

Social Democracy Alliance (SDA)

Social Democracy Alliance (SDA) Data

Leader	Jali Pyysalo
Founded	1951
Headquarters	Brahea
Membership (2011)	102,000
Ideology	Communism
Political Position	Left--Wing
International Affiliation	Communist International
Parliament	60
Provincial Seats	116/510
Regional Seats	341/1,440
Municipalities Seats	236/1,010

General: SDA's social-democratic policies are generally more extreme than those of the BDU. SDA aims to group together people in order to achieve social-democratic goals: a society in which "freedom, equality, solidarity and co-operation thrives in a peaceful and clean environment". The SDA is a member of the Socialist International and Party of European Communists. The SDA has a close relationship with the FBTUF. It has 60 seats in the parliamentary elections.

History: The SDA and the BDU evolved at the same time and were a splinter group of the moderate Socialist Democrates which competed with the SPB for power after WW2. The SDA has about 125,000 members. Jali Pyysalo is the party's current leader and Minister of Justice.

Organization Structure: It has the central party structure with a small youth wing. It makes no distinction between genders.

Regional: Its political influence is greatest in the municipalities and cities.

Party Media: The SDA has a very active public relations branch which utilizes all media outlets (TV, radio, newspapers, magazines and full social media).

Party Conferences: Conferences are held once a year usually in late June.

Pressure and Interest Groups: The formal structure of government, as established by the Constitution of 1969 and the amendments of 1976, remains essentially unchanged. Constitutionally, the highest organ of state power is the People's Chamber, a unicameral legislature that theoretically controls the executive organs of government. In practice, however, political power is monopolized by the SPB. Within the party, power is concentrated in the hands of the Politburo and the Secretariat, the party's two highest organs. The general secretary is first among equals in these two bodies.

• Youth Society of Bothnia (YSB).
• Free Bothnian Trade Union Federation (FBTUF).
• Democratic Women's League of Bothnia (DWLB).
• Bothnian Cultural League (BCL). A federation of local clubs sponsored by the SPB, essentially a club for intellectuals. They send 22 representatives to the Parliament.
• Bothnian Helsinki Committee (BHC). The BHC is a non-governmental human rights organization founded in 1989 and based in Brahea. The BHC is a member of the International Helsinki Federation for Human Rights and the European Council on Refugees and Exiles. The BHC defines itself as monitoring the respect for human rights protected by international human rights instruments, to inform the public about human rights violations and to provide victims of human rights abuse with free legal assistance. The government fined the organization USD73,000 for allegedly unpaid taxes on money received via EU Tacis Program grants (2003, overruled by the Supreme Court in 2004) and has brought criminal proceedings against officials of the organization. The Chairman is Jan Kopling.

Political Elite

About 1% of the population belongs to what may be termed the political elite. This group includes party leaders at the national, district, and county levels; key persons in the state government and in industry, media, and education; and the heads of mass organizations. In their hands rests the bulk of political power and influence. They form the vanguard of society and purport to rule in the name of the working class. An informal mixture of government representatives and members of the SPB Politburo forms Bothnia’s political elite. The political elite also comprise SPB politicians and Chiefs of Police from the regional level. Currently the most prominent persons on national level are:

Bothnian Political Elite

Mr. Frans Olamao	President of Bothnia and General Secretary of the SPB
Mr. Pentti Torstenson	Prime Minister
Mr. Anssi Norrgrann	Minister of Defense
Mr. Jali Pyysalo	Minister of Justice
Mr. Eemeli Pennanen	Minister of Economy
Mrs. Leea Repo	Minister for Constitutional Security
Mr. Ilkka Okkonen	Minister of Interior
Mrs. Olga Taipale	Minister of Foreign Affairs
Mrs. Kaisa Vesisaari	Press officer of the Chairman of the Council of Ministers
Mr. Kalevi Westman	Chairman of the State Committee for Television
Mr. Heikki Uusipaikka	Chief Editor of New Bothnia
Mr. Kauko Vanhanen	Ideological Spokesman
Mr. Jonne Turunen	Secretary Provincial Government Uusimaa

Other Political Entities

Research Institutions

Bothnia's research institutions have been particularly active in analyzing opinion on such issues as work, family life, the position of women in society, and leisure. The focus and results of public opinion research are carefully guarded secrets, and it is known that the Politburo itself makes the final determination on basic emphases and content of the Central Research Plan. Two party institutes have played especially important roles in this area; Opinion Research of the Central Committee of the SPB and The Institute for Socialist Sociology of the Academy for Social Sciences. Interestingly the number of scientific councils allowed the SPB to plan, coordinate and supervise research topics and outcomes much more comprehensively. The SPB became the main integrative force in the domain of science and technology.

Opinion Research of the Central Committee of the SPB

In the mid-1980s, empirical research provided the SPB with an up-to-date profile on the attitudes and feelings of the public across a range of major Socio-political issues. Such data have provided the party with information that has helped it more effectively to communicate its goals and purposes to the public. Since the 1970s, the SPB has deliberately attempted to make respondents feel that their needs were being taken seriously. In other words, since the 1970s the regime has used public opinion research as another means to develop political legitimacy. Given the authoritarian character of the regime, it is worth considering whether citizens were willing to answer questions in a totally honest and open manner.

The Institute for Socialist Sociology of the Academy for Social Sciences

The SPB has used the instruments of socialization and control to achieve political passivity on the part of society, if not legitimacy. For example, the Bothnian educational system has had an impact on the political values and expectations of the Bothnian citizenry. The military is also an important instrument for the inculcation of regime values.