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Difference between revisions of "Tantoco Cartel"

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[[File:DATE-ROT-Tantoco Cartel.png|thumb|400x400px|Tantoco Cartel presumed structure]]
 
[[File:DATE-ROT-Tantoco Cartel.png|thumb|400x400px|Tantoco Cartel presumed structure]]
The most prominent transnational criminal organization in [[South Torbia]] is the Tantoco Cartel. The Tantoco Cartel is based in Manila, but its tentacles reach throughout the country and into the [[Belesia|Federated States of Belesia]] (FSB), the [[Gabal|Republic of Gabal]] (RoG), and the [[Olvana|People’s Republic of Olvana]] (PRO). The Tantoco Cartel may have even have inroads into the [[North Torbia|DPRT]].
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The most prominent transnational criminal organization in [[South Torbia]] is the Tantoco Cartel. The Tantoco Cartel is based in Manila, but its tentacles reach throughout the country and into [[Belesia|Belesia]], [[Gabal|Gabal]], and [[Olvana|Olvana]]. The Tantoco Cartel may have even have inroads into [[North Torbia|North Torbia]]. The Tantoco Cartel is involved in numerous criminal activities: drug and weapons smuggling, extortion, motor vehicle theft, illegal gambling, money laundering, counterfeiting, and murder-for-hire.
  
The Tantoco Cartel is involved in numerous criminal activities: drug and weapons smuggling, extortion, motor vehicle theft, illegal gambling, money laundering, counterfeiting, and murder-for-hire.
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The leader of this cartel is Hilmi Tantoco, a 67-year old male who operates a string of businesses under the umbrella company known as Tantoco Enterprises. A native of South Torbia, Hilmi Tantoco got his start as an enforcer with a local gang involved in racketeering—primarily extortion—from small business owners. He worked his way up until, in his mid-30s, he ousted the local gang leader by bombing his boat while he was deep-sea fishing. Hilmi then set up a number of legitimate businesses to serve as a front for his illegal activities. His political and social connections are thought to be extensive, including local police and politicians, as well as the federal police and some cabinet members. These connections allow him to stay one step ahead of most attempts to close down his businesses. There is enough distance between him and his illegal practices that if necessary, a fall guy will be found to prevent any investigation reaching him.
  
The leader of this cartel is Hilmi Tantoco, a 67-year old male who operates a string of businesses under the umbrella company known as Tantoco Enterprises. A native of South Torbia, Hilmi Tantoco got his start as an enforcer with a local gang involved in racketeering—primarily extortion—from small business owners. He worked his way up until, in his mid-30s, he ousted the local gang leader by bombing his boat while he was deep-sea fishing. Hilmi then set up a number of legitimate businesses to serve as a front for his illegal activities. His political and social connections are thought to be extensive, including local police and politicians, as well as the federal police and some RoT cabinet members. These connections allow him to stay one step ahead of most attempts to close down his businesses. There is enough distance between him and his illegal practices that if necessary, a fall guy will be found to prevent any investigation reaching him.
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Since most of the Cartel's operations are non-violent, the Cartel is able to maintain its fiction as an apolitical, beneficent, loose business conglomerate. While their methods are often questionable, they do perform charitable acts, such as donating and delivering supplies to homeless victims. These activities make the relationship between organized crime and police a complicated one. Membership itself is not illegal, and Cartel businesses and headquarters are often clearly marked. Police often know member whereabouts and activities without taking any action. Some South Torbians view the criminals as a necessary evil, in light of their chivalrous facade, and see the organizational nature of their crime as a deterrent to impulsive individual street crime. To counteract this romanticized version, the police refer to the group as essentially thugs or scum to reinforce their criminal nature corresponding with the government imposing stricter laws against criminal organizations.
  
While the level of crime is high in Belesia, mainly due to socioeconomic conditions, organic Belesian criminal activity is mostly conducted by disorganized street gangs. However, the frequent disruptions in government and traditionally weak policing have allowed criminal organizations from Torbia and Olvana to take hold. These organizations have rapidly been consolidating large swaths of land. In many cases, the [[Tantoco Cartel]] and the Olvanan [[Black Societies]] have tacit agreements to leave control of any given island to one group or another. However, in other areas, most notably the urban environs of Mindanao, there have been inevitable flare-ups of violence between the two, generally using locally recruited thugs.
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The Cartel has taken advantage of the technological advantages in South Torbia to jump to the forefront of cybercrime. Often hiring bright but financially struggling recent university graduates, the Cartel pays for side work in cyber-theft of both real and virtual assets, as well as "hacking for hire." They also assist in the Cartel's largest and most profitable operation: large-scale bribery and blackmail.
  
The shadow economy of Belesia is one of the largest in the world, with a value equivalent to over 40% of GDP. This includes both market-based legal production of goods and services deliberately concealed from public authorities to avoid payment of taxes or meeting labor market standards and classic crime activities, like burglary, robbery, or drug dealing. The numbers of drug seizures in Belesia are few and decreasing, but human trafficking is very high, predominantly as labor.
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Another major activity is theft and smuggling. According to the International Union of Maritime Insurance, last year the total loss (shrinkage) through the Port of Manila equated to 240,000 twenty-foot equivalent units, with an estimated value of $6.3 billion, with an estimated annual increase of 2.0% by shipping volume and almost 24.98% by value. With over three-fourths of this loss attributed to theft, industry analysts credit criminal organizations with shifting to higher-value items, often of military origin, rather than the more pedestrian civilian black market items. Smugglers avoid paying transaction taxes on gold by using travelling retirees as mules. This crime is appealing since this typically has no victims except state coffers, and does not call for violence or weapons. People see it as an easy way to earn extra cash, almost like a part-time job. Prior to a tax increase a decade ago, police arrested about 10 people on suspicion of gold smuggling-related tax evasion in a typical year, while last year there 294 arrests. Furthermore, organized crime is involved with smuggling MDMA and cannabis from North America into the country, or, in coordination with African drug smuggling cartels, methamphetamines from Latin America, Olvana, and Africa. Contrary to most countries, South Torbia imports the majority of its cannabis rather than local sourcing; this creates unusually high retail prices for the drug. Additionally, South Torbia faces a prescription medication problem, with over 50% of all drug-related treatment in the nation relating to amphetamine-type substance abuse.
 
 
Corruption in Belesia is high and the enforcement of anti-corruption laws is inconsistent and slow. The public sector is a key source of bribery, with national and local government units likely to ask for bribes related to public contracts. Government infrastructure projects are rife with bid rigging, collusion, and fraud. Corruption is also a high risk in the Bureau of Customs, where there are reports of officials regularly demanding facilitation payments for imports and exports. Trade-related fraud is probably the biggest criminal activity facing Belesia. A fourth of all goods imported into Belesia go unreported to avoid VAT taxes and import tariffs. In the last decade, illicit capital flows have drained an average of $1.5 billion in tax revenue each year. In addition, money laundering is prevalent in Belesia. Most of this money laundering is facilitated through fake trade invoicing, which allows exporters and importers another avenue to avoid paying taxes on traded goods.
 
 
 
Petty and organized crime is a serious problem in Belesia and is generally economically motivated because of the high levels of extreme poverty among the population. Reports of mugging, homicide, other violent crimes, as well as confidence tricks, pick pocketing, and credit card fraud are common. Organized crime networks are well entrenched, encompassing kidnapping, extortion, gambling, and heavy involvement in the country's narcotics trade and money laundering. Marijuana and hashish are cultivated locally for export, with increasing production of methamphetamines as well.
 
 
 
Belesia’s crime rate is considered high. Incidences of theft, armed robbery, and assault are quite prevalent in the nation. The frequent disruptions in government and traditionally weak policing has allowed organized crime gangs to relocate from other areas of Asia in recent years, thus helping to increase the overall crime rate in the region.
 
 
 
The major criminal organization is [[Kumpulan]], headed by Myint Khine who owns a local import/export business. Khine is 45 years old and began working for Kumpulan when he was a teenager with few prospects in life. Over two decades ago, Kumpulan provided the funds for his business, Kumpulan Import and Export, that he uses as a cover for their illegal operations. With warehouses in several cities and towns in Gabal, Khine can hide illegal goods among his legitimate imports. The police are aware of Khine, but he always seems to be one step ahead of the authorities when they raid one of his warehouses. It is highly likely that he has agents scattered throughout the National Police as well as any local governmental officials. These agents let Khine know about the raids well enough in advance for the group to move out the illegal goods hidden among the legitimate imports. Weapons confiscated by the Gabal military or police sometimes make it into Kumpulan’s hands instead of the weapons destruction facility—most likely due to corrupt military and/or police officers. Kumpulan is usually non-violent, but at times some independent black marketers have been found shot to death as a warning to others.
 
 
 
The desperate financial situation by many islanders force the poor, however, into illegal activities in order to survive.  This is especially true for the disenfranchised male youth from the ages of 15 to 25. Many of these struggling youth males turn to petty crime to survive such as purse snatching, pickpocketing, and simple robbery. The victims are often tourists, who often are the only ones with any money to actually steal. If a young male does not go out on their own, they often find work with the Kumpulan. 
 
 
 
There are other criminal groups, primarily family units, which conduct racketeering operations to provide a means of support to their large extended families. The families most involved in these local racketeering operations include Finau, Teaupa, Otolose, Malapo, Tei, Katalalaine, and Angina. The South Torbian-based [[Military: South Torbia#Tantoco Cartel|Tantoco Cartel]] is now trying to expand into Gabal.
 

Revision as of 18:25, 19 September 2018

Tantoco Cartel presumed structure

The most prominent transnational criminal organization in South Torbia is the Tantoco Cartel. The Tantoco Cartel is based in Manila, but its tentacles reach throughout the country and into Belesia, Gabal, and Olvana. The Tantoco Cartel may have even have inroads into North Torbia. The Tantoco Cartel is involved in numerous criminal activities: drug and weapons smuggling, extortion, motor vehicle theft, illegal gambling, money laundering, counterfeiting, and murder-for-hire.

The leader of this cartel is Hilmi Tantoco, a 67-year old male who operates a string of businesses under the umbrella company known as Tantoco Enterprises. A native of South Torbia, Hilmi Tantoco got his start as an enforcer with a local gang involved in racketeering—primarily extortion—from small business owners. He worked his way up until, in his mid-30s, he ousted the local gang leader by bombing his boat while he was deep-sea fishing. Hilmi then set up a number of legitimate businesses to serve as a front for his illegal activities. His political and social connections are thought to be extensive, including local police and politicians, as well as the federal police and some cabinet members. These connections allow him to stay one step ahead of most attempts to close down his businesses. There is enough distance between him and his illegal practices that if necessary, a fall guy will be found to prevent any investigation reaching him.

Since most of the Cartel's operations are non-violent, the Cartel is able to maintain its fiction as an apolitical, beneficent, loose business conglomerate. While their methods are often questionable, they do perform charitable acts, such as donating and delivering supplies to homeless victims. These activities make the relationship between organized crime and police a complicated one. Membership itself is not illegal, and Cartel businesses and headquarters are often clearly marked. Police often know member whereabouts and activities without taking any action. Some South Torbians view the criminals as a necessary evil, in light of their chivalrous facade, and see the organizational nature of their crime as a deterrent to impulsive individual street crime. To counteract this romanticized version, the police refer to the group as essentially thugs or scum to reinforce their criminal nature corresponding with the government imposing stricter laws against criminal organizations.

The Cartel has taken advantage of the technological advantages in South Torbia to jump to the forefront of cybercrime. Often hiring bright but financially struggling recent university graduates, the Cartel pays for side work in cyber-theft of both real and virtual assets, as well as "hacking for hire." They also assist in the Cartel's largest and most profitable operation: large-scale bribery and blackmail.

Another major activity is theft and smuggling. According to the International Union of Maritime Insurance, last year the total loss (shrinkage) through the Port of Manila equated to 240,000 twenty-foot equivalent units, with an estimated value of $6.3 billion, with an estimated annual increase of 2.0% by shipping volume and almost 24.98% by value. With over three-fourths of this loss attributed to theft, industry analysts credit criminal organizations with shifting to higher-value items, often of military origin, rather than the more pedestrian civilian black market items. Smugglers avoid paying transaction taxes on gold by using travelling retirees as mules. This crime is appealing since this typically has no victims except state coffers, and does not call for violence or weapons. People see it as an easy way to earn extra cash, almost like a part-time job. Prior to a tax increase a decade ago, police arrested about 10 people on suspicion of gold smuggling-related tax evasion in a typical year, while last year there 294 arrests. Furthermore, organized crime is involved with smuggling MDMA and cannabis from North America into the country, or, in coordination with African drug smuggling cartels, methamphetamines from Latin America, Olvana, and Africa. Contrary to most countries, South Torbia imports the majority of its cannabis rather than local sourcing; this creates unusually high retail prices for the drug. Additionally, South Torbia faces a prescription medication problem, with over 50% of all drug-related treatment in the nation relating to amphetamine-type substance abuse.

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