Pirtuni

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The Republic of Pirtuni
Flag
Capital	Kyiv
Largest city	Kyiv (2.942 million)
Official languages	67.0% Pirtunian 20.0% Donovian 13.0% Other
Ethnic groups	78.0% Pirtunian 17.0% Donovian 5.0% Other
Religion	66.0% Pirtunian Orthodox 14.0% Other Christian 17.0% Muslim 3.0% Jewish
Demonym	Pirtunian
Government	Democratic Republican
• President	Jasper Atticus
Legislature	Parliament
Area
• Total	588,764 sq mi (1,524,890 km2)
Population
• July 2016 estimate	45,000,000
GDP	2016 estimate
• Total	$340 billion
Time zone	West Africa Time

Pirtuni lies in Eastern Europe on the northern shore of the Black Sea. Eastern Europe includes a number of politically Western-oriented nations, including some that have recently joined the NATO alliance, and a counterpart grouping of nations that maintain strong economic, political, and military ties with Donovia, historically regarded as the regional superpower. Pirtuni possesses just over 230,000 square miles of territory that shares a 1,200-mile border with Donovia on its east and an eclectic mix of European nation-states on its west and north. The country’s southern border abuts the Black Sea and Sea of Azov. The region holds large oil and natural gas reserves that have enhanced the geostrategic importance of both Pirtuni and Donovia. Although the latter boasts the lion’s share of natural resources, the region’s economic well-being depends largely on the unimpeded flow of hydrocarbon products through nearly 35,000 miles of pipelines that crisscross Pirtunian territory.

Southeastern Europe has a long history of warfare, ethnic and religious strife, and high levels of civil unrest. In addition to indigenous divisions and stressors, outside actors that include the US, the European Union (EU), and other major players in the international community are taking an increased interest in the geopolitical dynamics of the region, all seeking to improve their relative position on the world stage.

Political

Main article: Political: Pirtuni

Pirtuni’s democratic republican form of government is grounded in a basic charter (constitution) adopted nineteen years ago. The ruling faction is a bloc of political parties that have united to form a coalition government and were placed in office through free elections. Because Pirtuni’s fledgling yet stable democracy has steadily increased its contact with pro-Western countries, some of its neighbors, especially Donovia, view it with growing suspicion.

Pirtuni’s foremost regional concern is Donovia, who is displeased with its neighbor’s turn to the West and refuses to rule out use of state-of-the-art anti-access/area denial air defense systems and a possible preemptive first strike with tactical nuclear weapons. Donovia’s behavior also fuels tensions that ebb and flow according to a variety of domestic and regional issues that periodically come under public scrutiny. One such issue is ethnic militancy. Donovia exploits ethnic demographic enclaves along the trace of its border with Pirtuni, and provides radical factions like the True Pan-Donovian Movement (TPDM) and the leftist Pirtunian People’s Liberation Army (PPLA) with direct and indirect support of insurgent activities aimed at undermining Pirtunian sovereignty.

The perceived threat from Donovia has resulted in closer ties between Pirtuni and the US. An offshoot of the longstanding bilateral relationship is the US-Pirtuni Charter on Strategic Partnership, a document that codifies enhanced cooperation in defense, security, economics and trade, cultural exchanges, and other selected venues. Significant US investment in Pirtuni’s market economy has gone far in compensating for losses incurred from deteriorating Pirtunian-Donovian relations, and garnered positive feelings among the Pirtunian population toward the US.

Pirtuni’s government is generally recognized as legitimate among states in its own regional neighborhood, and more generally throughout the international community. Despite the necessity to maintain constant vigilance to safeguard constitutional guarantees of basic freedoms and due process, Pirtuni continues to make steady progress towards an end-state reflective of a stable, transparent democracy whose citizens enjoy the rewards of a positive political environment devoid of coercion and undue government harassment. The steady progress, considered in the context of the country’s turbulent past, has won Pirtuni the respect and admiration of most developed nations in the international community.

Military

Main article: Military: Pirtuni

Pirtuni’s military establishment is grounded in an essentially defensive doctrine designed to deter or neutralize the armed forces of Donovia, its one-time sponsor, but more recently the most dangerous threat to Pirtunian national sovereignty. Among Pirtuni’s three armed services, the army is the most robust, organized into a Supreme High Command and three subordinate operational commands, the latter consisting of a division and at least one separate brigade each. Augmenting the army, a modest navy and air force add amphibious capability and the potential for providing logistical and close air support. Pirtuni’s army possesses an eclectic mix of older equipment, bolstered by a tailored selection of more-modern and technologically-advanced weapons systems. These include M1 Abrams tanks, Warrior infantry fighting vehicles, and the Avenger air defense system, all manufactured domestically under license from their countries of origin.

As relations between Pirtuni and Donovia have deteriorated over time, Pirtuni has gradually abandoned Donovian military doctrine and tactics in favor of methodologies more aligned with those typical of Western countries. The same can be said for its munitions and logistical equipment: the military is  slowly replacing its inventory of older Donovian weapons systems with newer models designed in Western Europe and the US.

Like other countries in DATE, Pirtuni has configured its military to operate through a National Command Authority, a construct that channels the application of all instruments of national power to support the overarching national strategy formulated by the country’s democratically-elected civilian leaders. Pirtuni’s military strategy focuses the capabilities of its armed services on deterring or repelling any potential Donovian aggression, which most leaders believe will involve some form hybrid warfare involving outside-sponsored proxy forces bent on exploiting local religious and ethnic tensions that have long plagued the country’s eastern region.

Pirtuni fields an army of approximately 100,000 soldiers by drawing from a national personnel pool of conscripts, who are required to serve 24 consecutive months on active duty. The salient feature of Pirtuni’s army is its four separate maneuver brigades, designed to operate either independently or as part of a division-level (or higher) command. Pirtuni’s military leaders are faced with an array of militant threats that include an indigenous ultra-nationalist movement, a pan-Donovian separatist movement, a leftist anti-capitalism movement, several criminal organizations, a potential incursion by Donovian conventional forces, or some hybrid combination of all of these. Lacking a viable first-strike capability and unable to wage a sustained offensive war, if attacked, Pirtuni will most likely attempt a static defense-in-place pending the arrival of outside reinforcements.

Donovia is concerned that increasingly closer ties between Pirtuni and Western nations foretells a wider and increasing regional influence by NATO. For its part, NATO insists that a sovereign and independent Pirtuni committed to democracy and a rules-based international order is a cornerstone of European- Atlantic security. Although not a member of NATO, Pirtuni’s cooperation with the alliance has intensified in proportion to its declining relationship with Donovia. Any perceived Donovian violation of Pirtuni’s sovereignty could potentially inspire a swift NATO response.

Economic

Main article: Economic: Pirtuni

The vitality of the region’s economy depends largely on the flow of Donovian oil and gas products through Pirtuni to destination points in Eastern and Western Europe. Donovia possesses the fossil fuels, while nearly 35,000 miles of Pirtunian pipelines provide the corridor that moves hydrocarbons to world market outlets. Throughout its recent history Donovia used its vast trove of natural resources as a bargaining chip to selectively coerce European customers into adopting economic and political policies favorable to Donovian interests. Pirtuni, however, thanks mainly to its robust pipeline infrastructure, is better able than most European countries to resist economic pressure from Donovia. Another factor that increases Pirtuni’s economic leverage in negotiating with Donovia is the recent increased availability of US-generated oil and liquefied natural gas, produced through recent advances in fracking and extraction technologies.

Donovia’s leaders regard revenues derived from exploiting natural resources as a component of an overarching national defense policy. In part for that reason, they view Pirtunian imports of hydrocarbons from the United States as a provocation that threatens their national security. This perception exacerbates an already tense relationship between the two countries that had its origin 20 years ago, when Donovia’s notorious Four Traitors incident inspired Pirtuni to take the unprecedented step of adopting an open-market economy grounded in the tenets of democratic capitalism.

Important as the energy sector is to Pirtuni’s economic well-being, much of the country’s success in its experiment in free-market capitalism derives from pursuing a conscious policy of diversification. The country’s abundant agricultural exports are instrumental in establishing Pirtuni’s reputation as the breadbasket of Europe. Pirtuni also exports minerals and industrial products that include mining machinery and transportation equipment. Manufacturing in the transportation sector of the economy also includes a robust weapons industry with a component that plies a brisk export trade in state-of-the-art wheeled and tracked vehicles—specifically including infantry fighting vehicles and main battle tanks—and advanced air defense artillery systems. Although agriculture and manufacturing respectively account for 13% and 25% of Pirtuni’s gross domestic product, both are relatively small compared with the services sector (62%), which employs 70% of the country’s workforce. Unfortunately, all three sectors taken together have proved insufficient to provide full employment and a satisfactory standard of living to Pirtuni’s citizens.

Although its economy formerly suffered from over-centralization inflicted by a cumbersome national bureaucracy, the country recently implemented aggressive measures that should eventually enable long-term sustainable growth. These include structural reforms to improve the currency exchange rate, laws that underwrite private land ownership and protect business interests, and a comprehensive program to repress corruption and illegal economic activity. Despite all of this, high inflation, a sluggish global economy, and continuing strained relations with Donovia are still taking their toll. Overall, Pirtuni’s current economic trajectory justifies cautious optimism for a prosperous future, provided that its government sustains current initiatives to create a stable, transparent, and welcoming business climate that also embraces increased trade with Western Europe and the US.

Social

Main article: Social: Pirtuni

Both Donovia and Pirtuni, like several countries in Eastern Europe, trace their cultural identities back for centuries, and over a period of many years national boundaries have seldom corresponded satisfactorily to ethnic groups they sought to proscribe. Accordingly, old feuds grounded in demographics still persist to this day, and recent deployments have witnessed US soldiers attempting to referee ancient disputes between warring cultures, religions, and clans. A similar challenge could easily present itself in any future deployment to the Pirtunian/Donovian OE, where both countries are host to militant sectarian and ethnic groups whose national identities are at cross-purposes, and all concerned have a poor track record in the realm of peaceful coexistence and mutual toleration.

The vast majority of Pirtuni’s citizens are Orthodox Christians, a fact that historically has placed them at odds with the country’s sizeable Muslim minority that often depends on neighboring Donovia to champion its sectarian cause. Donovia has always demonstrated a willingness to accommodate this need, and the result has often involved friction in areas that contain a mix of citizens that identify with two inherently different world views and preferences. The sad reality is that many Pirtunians of Donovian heritage would prefer life as Donovian citizens, even as their fellow countrymen are prepared to accept nothing less than unqualified support of Pirtunian independence and national sovereignty.

Pirtuni’s citizens have suffered considerably from the combined effects of the global economic downturn and the mutual trade embargo that fuels ill feeling between Pirtuni and Donovia. A persistent, high jobless rate has caused more than 800,000 people to cross international boundaries in search of better employment opportunities, in effect the largest displacement in Europe since the first decade of the twentieth century. Within this transient population, 95% formerly resided in regions east of the Dnieper River, on the Azov Peninsula, and north of the Sea of Azov.

The work-related diaspora has made it almost impossible to tabulate accurate census data. Many Pirtunians have sought refuge in what they consider their Donovian "motherland,” while others have chosen to look for work throughout Eastern and Western Europe. Those remaining behind must contend with radical swings in inflation rates and the necessity of accepting menial employment in fields for which they are often vastly overqualified.

None of these impediments to an acceptable quality of life is a reflection of Pirtuni’s literacy rate, which consistently remains above 99% for both males and females. Government officials and an array of public and private relief agencies make the country’s educational system a source of intense national pride that reinforces its century-old tradition of independence and sovereignty. Widespread educational institutions are the norm, from daycare and kindergarten through university and conservatory levels.

Information

Main article: Information: Pirtuni

The information environment in Pirtuni is positive, largely because the media industry is flourishing as a result of government support of constitutionally-based and judicially-upheld laws guaranteeing freedom of expression. That said, the media is nonetheless subject to the influence of powerful business interests and long-established political elites who sometimes combine their influence and technical savvy to manipulate an impressionable public through the use of sophisticated marketing ploys.

Like the rest of Southeastern Europe, Pirtuni receives most of its news and information through broadcast media; namely, television and radio. More than 640 television stations and 520 radio stations keep Pirtuni’s population abreast of current events through a mix of independent and state-owned networks. Television is the most popular broadcast medium in cities, while radio remains the preferred medium in rural areas where TV watching is hampered by poor reception.

Internet usage in Pirtuni is growing by leaps and bounds. Twenty years ago the country plodded along with an inherited telephone system that was antiquated, inefficient, and in disrepair. More recently, technological advances in telecommunications spurred a quantum leap, first in Internet usage, and later in the proliferation of smart phones. Increased public and private Internet usage then laid the groundwork for a smart phone market as well as social networking. Militant political parties and interest groups of all stripes now use social media and other Internet platforms as tools for organizing themselves, promoting their respective agendas, and generating short-notice, “spontaneous” demonstrations. Since freedom of expression and the right to peaceably assemble are guaranteed in Pirtuni’s basic charter, the government has consciously adopted a policy of restraint and forbearance in its reactions to public demonstrations and other forms of civil protest.

Donovia presents a major threat to freedom of expression and transparency in Pirtuni. Donovia’s government is a world-class practitioner of information warfare (INFOWAR), and the flow of information inside that country is often skewed by government pressure and outright censorship. Because pro- Donovian ethnic and sectarian groups agitate within Pirtuni’s borders, frictions abound, and a perceived Donovian INFOWAR threat factors heavily into Pirtunian policy and spending decisions. This longstanding friction between Pirtuni and its powerful neighbor will in all likelihood continue for the foreseeable future. Largely for that reason, Pirtuni strives to achieve and maintain technological parity with Donovian INFOWAR capabilities. To achieve that end, Pirtuni depends heavily on help from NATO and Western countries as a hedge against Donovian subversion in the INFOWAR arena.

Infrastructure

Main article: Infrastructure: Pirtuni

The urban areas in Pirtuni are similar to the cities of Western Europe, with all the modern conveniences and infrastructure found in modern metropolitan areas. In some rural areas of the country, there is a lack of access to modern utilities—electricity, treated water, and plumbing. The vast majority of Pirtunians, however, live in urban areas with all the comforts found in most European homes. The Pirtunian transportation network, whether it is the roads, railway lines, or the airports, is expansive and allows the people to move freely throughout the country. In short, foreign visitors from modern countries would find little difference between the infrastructure of Pirtuni’s major cities and their own home towns.

While nearly 70% of Pirtunians live in urban areas, only around 16% reside in the six main cities of Kyiv, Kharkiv, Odesa, Dnipropetrovsk, Donetsk, and Zaporizhzhya; the remaining population reside in smaller cities and towns spread throughout the country. While the standard of housing may not be comparable to that of the US, it is considered superior to that found within neighboring Donovia.

Travel throughout Pirtuni is widespread thanks to its extensive transportation network. Although the roads do not necessarily conform to Western expressways or autobahns, and are poorly maintained in comparison, they do connect all the major urban areas as well as the more rural areas. The rail network is expansively utilized and connects all major sea ports and cities, offering quick, easy movement throughout the country. There are over 180 airfields throughout Pirtuni, with over 50 being able to accommodate large commercial aircraft.

Pirtuni’s extensive network of pipelines convey petrochemicals from internal producers and neighboring Donovia to Western Europe. The diverse nature of Pirtuni’s economy has ensured that, while an important source of revenue, it is not entirely reliant on the passage of Donovian hydrocarbons through its pipelines to ensure financial stability.

The country derives its energy from a variety of sources, predominantly through the burning of fossil fuels and its five nuclear power stations. This has allowed Pirtuni to become a net exporter of energy, though its poor electrical infrastructure results in waste of around 15% between production and consumption/export.

Physical Environment

Main article: Physical Environment: Pirtuni

Located on the northern shore of the Black Sea in Eastern Europe, Pirtuni consists primarily of relatively flat uplands and lowlands. Fertile soil, adequate precipitation, and favorable terrain contribute to the country’s booming agricultural industry, while navigable rivers and access to the world’s oceans via the Black and Azov Seas support both internal transportation and international commerce. The Carpathian Mountains lie to the far west, providing a natural barrier to entry, while heavy forests and marshes impede travel to northern neighbors. The country enjoys four distinct seasons, with winter being longer in the mountains and summer longer in the south.

The terrain of Pirtuni is easily traversed from a military perspective. There are few impediments that would restrict the movement of either an armored or mechanized formation. Likewise, travel between Pirtuni and Donovia is simple, with relatively flat terrain along the Pirtuni-Donovia border region. The same cannot be said of the northern and western border regions; both have very difficult terrain such as heavy forested areas and marshes. Deep-water maritime access is good around the Black Sea coastline, but is more difficult in the Sea of Azov due to its shallow depth.

Time

Main article: Time: Pirtuni

Pirtunians have a much more Western approach to time than other regional actors, such as Donovia. They see it as an asset with which to achieve goals, rather than simply something in which events take place. Pirtunians see time management as a strength when conducting business and will expect the same from partners and allies. They see the relative infancy of their constitution as a position of strength; fiercely nationalistic, Pirtunians widely observe Constitution Day throughout the country with the exception of those in the more easterly provinces, which lean toward their perceived Donovian heritage.

Threat Actor Chart

Group Name	Type	Country	Description
The True Pan-Donovian Movement (TPDM)	Insurgent	Pirtuni	A group in Pirtuni whose goal is to have all ethnic Donovians, usually of the Muslim faith, under the same government. The TPDM is located primarily in eastern Pirtuni, where the majority of ethnic Donovians live; members will stop at nothing to achieve their goal to unite with Donovia and will use violence to that end. TPDM activities include attacks on Pirtunian governmental officials, government installations, Pirtuni Forever supporters, and Pirtunian and American military personnel. The PDM often aligns itself with the Strong Pirtuni bloc in local elections.
The Pirtunian People’s Liberation Army (PPLA)	Insurgent	Pirtuni	A small insurgent group that operates in the Marxist-Leninist tradition throughout the country, but primarily in rural areas such as the Carpathian Mountains. There has been a trend in the last couple of decades to recruit disenchanted university students. The PPLA wants to achieve a democratic revolution against imperialism, feudalism, and capitalism. It attempts to exploit the economic system that creates an imbalance in income distribution, the rich exploiting the rural areas’ natural resources without fair compensation to the locals, government corruption, and the inability of the poor to obtain available farm land.
Pirtuni Forever	Insurgent	Pirtuni	A right-wing organization that is opposed to anything related to Donovia and the Muslim religion. While not proven, it is suspected that the Pirtunian government covertly supports the organization. The PF, a mostly Christian group, would prefer that the Pirtunian government would deport all Donovian citizens and even ethnic Donovians from the country, as stated on its website.  The PF only attacks individual Donovian immigrants or ethnic Donovians whom it thinks are more supportive of Donovia than Pirtuni. On rare occasions, the PF may attack a rural village that is predominately of Donovian heritage.
The Lysenko Brothers	Criminal	Pirtuni	The Lysenko Brothers—Aleksander and Anton—lead a criminal gang that operates throughout the Azov Peninsula. They began their criminal careers by selling steroids to other boxers and eventually started fixing fights. From there they branched out into other forms of gambling, prostitution, and bootlegging. With the numerous ports on the Azov Peninsula and the other places where small boats can land contraband, the brothers eventually went into the smuggling business, including drugs. Any drugs used on the Azov Peninsula are likely to have passed through the hands of one of the Lysenko Brothers’ employees.
The Bonarenkos	Criminal	Pirtuni	Andriy Bonarenko leads a criminal network that operates primarily in Donetsk in eastern Pirtuni. Bonarenko is about 42 years of age and began his life of crime selling drugs on the street. Due to his large size—well over six feet in height—Bonarenko forced other drug dealers out of business or intimidated them into giving him a piece of their action. Before he was 30 years old, Bonarenko ran the entire drug business in Donetsk. He has since expanded into extortion and hijacking cargo. For a price, Bonarenko is willing to obtain almost anything someone wants in the Donetsk area. The major activities of his network include drugs, extortion, and trading goods on the black market, including weapons.
The Supremum	Criminal	Pirtuni	The Supremum is a transnational criminal organization headquartered in Odesa, but with affiliations throughout Pirtuni and connections to the international criminal world. Considered the Pirtunian mafia, the Supremum is led by Boiany Mazur. The Supremum is involved in almost every possible illegal activity: smuggling (cigarettes, narcotics, and even oil), vehicle theft, counterfeiting, illegal gambling, money laundering, illegal coal mining, and illegal munitions trading. The Supremum is the largest criminal network in Pirtuni, with connections to many other criminal organizations inside and outside the country.