Political: Olvana

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Political Overview

Official Flag of the People's Republic of Olvana (PRO); short name is Olvana

Olvana is a nominally communist country, but is actually an oligarchy ran by a small group of leaders within the single party.

Political History

Early History

Modern Olvana emerged in the early 20th century from the ashes of nearly three millennia of imperial dynastic rule. Following a turbulent and highly destructive 19^th century, the Republic of Olvana was declared in 1912 and consolidated over the next two decades. However, the Republic was beset early in its life by two powerful but opposing forces - Communists and imperialists from both Europe and Asia. Following a period of destructive wars through the first half of the 20th century, the Republic was severely weakened both financially and militarily.  

Post-World War II/Rise of Communism

At the end of World War II, the situation in Olvana had devolved into intermittent fighting between various groups and factions. Over the next few years two competing sides had formed, with communists on one side and nationalists on the other. Aided by other Communist states, the Olvanan Communists were able to present a unified front. Conversely, the Olvanan nationalist coalition was fragmented. While uniformly anti-communist, the Nationalist Coalition was made up of three primary ideological groups. The most powerful group was the Olvanan Hindu Nationalists, whose followers were primarily from central Olvana. The other two groups consisted of either nationalists seeking a secular democracy, or nationalists formed around the ideals and traditions of the Olvanan Folk Religion.  When unified, the nationalists posed a threat to the communists, however they were rarely able to maintain unity and often succumbed to infighting between the groups. Additionally, minority groups in the southwest of Olvana often had their own non-Olvanan nationalist movements, many of which were hesitant to leave their local areas. These took a pragmatic approach to the conflict, often changing sides based how they felt their self-interest could be best served. For these minority groups, being on the winning side was seen as the best way to ensure the least amount of suffering for their people. 

Donovia’s Communist government provided material support and advisors to the Olvanan Communists, enabling them to intensify their campaign, and take control of all of Olvana by using a divide and conquer strategy and mobilizing the rural population. On 1 November 1951, the People’s Republic of Olvana (PRO) was declared by Olvanan Communist Party (OCP) Chairman Cheng Ze, establishing the present-day political body that rules Olvana. 

Cheng was an enthusiastic communist and began immediately to remodel the Olvanan government and economy based on the Donovian model. Ironically, Donovia later denounced many of these policies, which, in turn, created a serious and, as it turned out, permanent ideological rift that culminated in an official Olvanan denouncement of Donovian communism in 1961. The desire to create a uniquely Olvanan interpretation of communism with emphasis on social rather than economic equality drove the government to implement several extraordinarily radical programs of agricultural and industrial reform that included the mass relocations of ethnic minorities Which again, perhaps with a bit of irony, mirrored many of Donovia’s actions toward ethnic minorities in the Caucasus region. These massive reform efforts nearly destroyed the Olvanan economy, resulted in the forced relocation of millions of people based on arbitrary borders, and contributed to or caused the deaths of tens of millions of people, mostly peasant farmers, from starvation, disease, and exposure. 

These reforms seriously undermined Cheng’s power and authority and for much of the early 1960s, Cheng was relegated to a menial role within the party. Cheng began to believe that the civil war and communist revolution had simply replaced one ruling elite with another, and this new elite had begun to sideline him. However, in 1968 Cheng initiated a new revolutionary movement intended to both restore his authority, tear down the privileged elite, and re-establish the identity of Olvanan communism. Called the “Cheng Revolution,” it resulted in attacks against large numbers of extant party officials and other authorities. Eventually the movement spiraled out of even Cheng’s control, essentially devolving into a large number of localized violent uprisings with a wide variety of goals and objectives. 

Modern Reforms

Cheng’s death in 1979 brought the end of his revolution and signaled a significant shift in Olvanan internal politics. A struggle for political power erupted between a number of senior party officials. Cheng’s chief allies, who called themselves the Gang of Eight, were ousted in October of 1979. Eventually, longtime senior party member Qin Jinqing consolidated power by 1980, signaling a new era in Olvanan politics. Notably, while Jinqing had been a loyal party member for nearly 60 years, his relatively right-leaning (though still very communist) views resulted in him being purged from the party’s senior leadership not once, but twice. With the removal of the Gang of Eight, Jinqing regain his former influence within the party and eventually rising to the role of Chairman.

Beginning in 1978 and stretching throughout the 1980s, Olvana repositioned itself as a participant in the global economy under the careful eye of Jinqing.  For the first time in decades, Olvana allowed large scale foreign investment inside its borders. Economic and social reforms moved away from Chengist collectivization and hardline communism to increasingly free-market capitalist solutions. However, the OCP remained the nation’s sole political authority, and despite liberalization of many laws and policies, social unrest persisted. Popular discontent culminated with a series of demonstrations in 1990 and 1991. Though these demonstrations were violently suppressed, the OCP accelerated its liberalization and anti-corruption movement throughout the 1990s and into the new millennium. Olvanan policies aimed at suppressing religion were perhaps some of the most unpopular across the nation. While the government retained an official policy of communist-based secularism, it began to end many of anti-religion practices, enabling Hinduism and regional folk religions to regain much of their former influence within Olvanan Society.  These reforms however, did not extend to the Muslim population in Olvana’s northwest.

During the first decade of the new millennium, Olvanan political power shifted rapidly between various factions within the OCP. Some of these shifts were visible to the west, while others were not. At the same time, enormous economic growth and subtle liberalization of economic, social, and political policies triggered large changes in Olvanan demographics and culture. For a time, it appeared that the OCP’s hold on power vulnerable to either major reform or replacement. This perception ended abruptly 5 years ago when Kang Wuhan ascended simultaneously to the General Secretary of the OCP and President of the PRO. Kang rapidly consolidated power and quickly amassed political capital unmatched since the days of Jinqing and Cheng. Opposition within the OCP was ruthlessly—but legally—silenced, and previously uncommitted party officials rapidly pledged support to Kang. Though not to the same degree as might be found in North Torbia, Kang Wuhan has set about creating a cult of personality within the OCP Bureaucracy.

Kang wasted little time implementing an agenda of anti-corruption coupled with a subtle return, in some respects, to Marxist and Chengist policy. The effects of this change on Olvana’s political and social landscape remain to be seen.

Government Overview

The most recent Olvanan Constitution was adopted in 1985. It is essentially a codification of Qin Jinqing’s vision for post-Cheng Olvana. The document outlines Olvana’s approach to governance as a socialist state, proclaims adherence to the principles of Marx, Lenin, and Cheng, and outlines rights and responsibilities of Olvanan citizens. It does not provide a direct means for enforcing the Constitution; this responsibility is implied and goes to the OCP. 

Olvana is a de facto one-party state; any understanding of Olvanan politics must be underpinned by an understanding of the OCP and its relationship to the other elements of the PRO government. Power within the OCP can be seen as a balance between three different organizations: the Politburo Standing Committee (PSC), the State Council, and the Olvanan People’s Army (OPA).

The PSC is a group of five to nine individuals. It is the most powerful element of the PRO government. In keeping with the Leninist ideals of the Central Committee, each member of the PSC is considered an equal; each member’s say equaling one vote. In practice, however, there is a clear hierarchy, and complex internal politics dominate the PSC. The head of the PSC is the OCP General Secretary, the de facto head of the Olvanan government. 

The State Council consists of the vast series of ministries that comprise much of the PRO bureaucracy. These ministries execute government at both national and local levels. The State Council is charged with local enforcement of OCP decisions and laws. While the State Council has no formal lawmaking power, they have great influence in the implementation of laws: they are responsible for creating the rules that enforce laws. 

In contrast to the expressed limitations placed on most western militaries, the OPA holds significant political influence. While the OCP maintains complete authority over the military, the OPA’s history as the vanguard of the revolution ensures that it still holds considerable influence in both domestic and international decision-making. The OPA sends representatives to the Olvanan National Congress and is virtually completely separate from the State Council, reporting instead through two Central Military Commissions directly to party leadership.

Branches of Government

Legislative Authority

Olvana’s national legislative body is the Olvanan National Congress (ONC). Per the Constitution, the ONC has four main responsibilities: amend the Constitution and oversee its enforcement; enact and amend basic law governing criminal offences, civil affairs, state organs and other matters; elect and appoint members to the central state organs; and determine major state issues. In practice, the ONC has little real authority and is intended to reinforce or “rubber stamp” the decisions made by the OCP. 

The ONC is unicameral, consisting of 3,000 elected delegates. The main body convenes annually. A Standing Committee of 150 delegates serves as full time legislators. Elections are held every 5 years; delegates are elected by provincial people’s assemblies which are in turn elected by population at large—only delegates approved by the OCP are allowed to be on the ballot. Delegates are elected for 5-year terms. 

Opposition parties exist, but are essentially only for show. Approximately 70% of the body are members of OCP; the remaining 30% of seats belong to a variety of other political parties. Practically all members, however, are either outright OCP members, or are otherwise subservient to the OCP. The ONC essentially functions to give the appearance of Olvana as a democratic government. Since the ONC is only in session two weeks out of each year, day-to-day legislation is handled by the OCP, along with the Standing Committee. The OCP ostensibly represents the full spectrum of Olvana, as delegates come from every province/region. All real political influence essentially radiates from the OCP.

National Assembly Diagram

The ONC is dominated by the OCP

National Assembly Chart

Political Party	Election Percent	Seats
Olvanan Communist Party (OCP)	90%	2,700
Democratic League	2.6%	78
DNCA	2.1%	63
PWDP	3.7%	111

Executive Authority

Placeholder for Cabinet/Executive Branch Wire Diagram

Olvanan executive authority is both complex and inconsistent. While the government employs both a president (head of state) and prime minister (head of government), both positions are fully subservient to the OCP. At various times in Olvanan history, the president and prime minister have been the General Secretary of the OCP, at other times not. Regardless of title, true executive authority rests with the OCP General Secretary. At present, both the office of President and General Secretary, but not Prime Minister, are held by Kang Wuhan. 

The president holds command authority over the OPA; the prime minister is generally responsible for domestic issues. Both positions are essentially figureheads for OCP authority. Both executive are elected by the OCP at the beginning of each session for a five-year term, with no more than two consecutive terms. 

The president exercises much of his authority via his cabinet, which is in essence the top seven to nine members of the OCP’s Politburo. This body in turn exercises influence over the top administrative element of the OCP, known as the State Council. Each member of the cabinet is assigned a specific area of responsibility in much the same way as a western democracy; however, their appointments are based primarily on party ranking and not at the command of the president.

Judicial Authority

Olvana’s judiciary does not exist as a separate branch of government as it does in most western democracies. Instead, it is essentially an offshoot of the OCP enforcing a code of civil laws as provided by the ONC. Constitutionally the courts are independent of the OCP, but both in practice and in code, the courts acknowledge the higher authority of the OCP. 

 One important thing to note is that PRO courts are empowered to judge “economic” cases, meaning they have the jurisdiction to pass judgment on issues associated with Olvanan Communism. Olvanan courts are generally subservient to the OCP, and thus essentially function as a wing of the party and executive branch. Constitutionally they are titled as the enforcement branch of the ONC, but in practice, there is little interaction between the two.

National Court System

• Supreme Court: The highest court in the judicial system is the Supreme People's Court, directly responsible to the OCP and its Standing Committee. It supervises the administration of justice by the people's courts at various levels. There is also a Politics and Law Committee in OCP which is in charge of the direction and cooperation of court, ensures OCP’s leadership over judicial issues. It consists of a president and up to nine vice presidents, all of whom are appointed by the OCP.
• Court of Appeals: Courts of Appeal are found at the regional district and provincial level. These courts consist of seven appellate judges, who are usually collated with the lower courts at each level. Acceptance of cases is at the discretion of the judges, but these decisions are highly influenced by the OCP.
• Lower Courts: These consist of three levels, all called “Local People’s Courts”—basic, intermediate, and high—that function in a similar way to American courts. Basic courts handle initial cases, intermediate courts handle important cases, and high courts handle issues at the provincial level. These appellate courts begin with political areas that encompass village districts, a regional districts, and provinces. Each of these three categories of courts consists of a minimum of three judges and a maximum of five judges. The number of judges is at the discretion of the executive at each level, who appoints the judges. This system insures the OCP has a tight control over the judiciary.

Constituent State Court System

The constituent courts consist of courts at the municipal, regional district, and provincial levels. Municipal courts primarily adjudicate civil suits and minor criminal offenses. More serious criminal and civil suits may be brought before the regional district courts within each jurisdiction. These may include murder, district level corruption, and violation of civil law in excess of $100,000. The most serious crimes and civil offenses—those that rise to level of national crimes and matters of treason—are heard in the Provincial Courts.

Parallel Legal Systems

The OCP controls all legal systems, from small villages to the national level. This is based on a long tradition and the complete involvement of the OCP in the lives of Olvanans. The minor exception is in minority communities, where ethnic and religious culture and traditions govern minor dispute resolution between members within the community.   

• Religious Law: The government of Olvana does not recognize any religious laws. Following the reforms set in place by Qin Jinqing, the Olvanan Government decriminalized religious expression, however they also do not officially sanction or approve of the religious legal systems. This has led to more freedom for different faiths to enact religious laws on their own as long as they do not break state laws, infringe upon the rights of the irreligious population, or threaten the performance of state functions.
• Customary Law: Village leaders exercise significant influence over communities. These leaders often utilize customs and traditions to quickly solve disputes and avoid the formal legal process. The communal nature of villages lend themselves to this form of resolving minor disputes. 
• Common Law: Olvana’s legal system is largely a civil law system, in contrast to common law. Judges, in keeping with the institutional control exercised by the national government and the OCP, decides cases based on statutes—giving little weight to precedence set by preceding judgments in deciding cases before them.

Governance Issues

Legitimacy

Olvana has three primary short-term objectives: continue its meteoric economic growth (albeit at a slowed pace), begin a widespread shift from manufacturing and heavy industry to a more service and technology-oriented economy, and begin the process of rooting out corruption throughout the OCP and the government. Kang Wuhan is the driving political force behind all three of these objectives. He is considered by many to be the first Olvanan leader in a generation to have the political capital to seriously take on corruption both in and out of the party. Olvana is also seeking to recapitalize some industries, changing their capital structure to increase the state’s involvement. This requires a greater focus on the internal Olvanan political economy, which necessarily reduced focus on the export economy. At the same time, a new propaganda campaign, coupled with renewed use of suppression and intimidation, seeks presumably to bring both elites and the consumer class into line with the reforms. 

The strategic goal for Olvana is the preservation of the OCP and the one-party system. This traditionally took the form of “defending the revolution,” but as time has progressed, use of typical communist propaganda has waned significantly. Instead, the OCP seems to be taking more and more of a back seat to the “democratic” elements of the government, as witnessed most clearly by Kang’s rise to the office of president. Though Kang is still the leader of the OCP and a dominant party member, he tends to stylize himself as president and focuses his attentions on Olvana as a whole, rather than on the well-being of the party—as did nearly all of his predecessors. The other primary long-term domestic goal for Olvana is the creation of a sustainable and permanent middle class. “Kangokang”—translating to “relatively well off”—is a program started in the mid-1990s. Its objective is to make every citizen in Olvana “relatively well off” by 2020. While this goal will almost certainly not be achieved, it remains an ongoing effort that guides nearly all major economic decisions made by the government. 

To the extent the Olvanan government can successfully balance the need for economic growth and a society tightly controlled by the government, it will be able to maintain its power. It will also have to contend with increasing domestic activism and international pressure to address human rights abuses. These tensions will add additional pressure as Olvana negotiates its place in the future as a world power.

Government Legitimacy Claims

Olvana’s legitimacy is rooted in a long history and unifying traditions. It has been able to create a formidable economic powerhouse that has raised many of its citizens out of poverty, but in the process created an even more important loyal elite who are dependent on government economic policies for their wealth. 

Population's Recognition of Legitimacy

The general population of Olvana accepts its government as legitimate. Most are unaffected by the imprisonment of dissidents and other crackdowns on activities deemed threats by the government. Olvanans in both the rural and urban areas are raised with traditions and commitments to the family and community. These values are often the means of survival and provide a unifying feeling of patriotism and obligation to the communist party. The population is likely to recognize the legitimacy of the Olvanan Government and the OCP as long as they are able to provide for the population. If the population’s needs are no longer met, dissent will likely grow and force the government to either reform or take steps to quell dissent.

Participation

Elections are tightly controlled by the OCP through a variety of means. Pressure at all levels encourages citizens to choose candidates approved by the OCP leadership. Only those approved by the OCP are allowed on the ballot. While elections are held, these are tightly controlled and desired outcomes insured.

Protests

There is little tolerance for public opposition to government policies. Protests are actively discouraged and punished through such punitive measures as house arrest, torture, prison, and disappearance. The one place where protests are able to occur is Hong Kong. The democratic traditions in Hong Kong have remained strong, even after Olvana regained control of the city from Europeans. Olvana has had to slowly enact reforms in Hong Kong in order to bring it more in line with the rest of the control. As a result, the residents of Hong Kong have made use of primarily peaceful demonstrations to protest the local and national government.

Measures Taken to Maintain legitimacy

Olvana’s legitimacy is seen in its continued economic growth, trade relations with other countries, military expansion, and limiting dissent among its people. This has required adopting and adapting some western economic policies to remain competitive. This loosening of traditional constraints has also caused a hard-fisted approach toward those who demand more freedom. Within this calculation of encouraging economic growth and maintaining control over the people is where Olvana finds its legitimacy.

External View of the Government's Legitimacy

Olvana is viewed as a legitimate nation, albeit one without full liberal democratic freedoms. It is viewed as more legitimate by authoritarian governments, but there is no dispute that Olvana is a major power and an important economic and military player.

Effectiveness

Elections

Olvana consistently holds elections every 5 years, primarily to fill the positions within the ONC. Subsequent elections from the ONC appoint the president and other key government members. While not entirely for show, the ONC elections have minimal influence in the actual governance of the country: there is no meaningful political opposition in Olvana, and the ONC itself is little more than a rubber stamp for the OCP. Olvanan citizens in general are perfectly aware that their legislative body is essentially a showpiece. That has not diminished the hope, especially among younger Olvanans, that greater democratization will happen in the future. The international community follows Olvanan elections, though not nearly as closely as elections in other major powers. Much greater attention is paid to the system and hierarchy within the top levels of the OCP, as this is where nearly all political power rests in Olvana. No Olvanan election has ever caused a significant shift in power; major political events are tied to the internal politics of the OCP.

Rule of Law

Olvana, in general, boasts a strong adherence to the rule of law; this is generally supported in practice through both policy and process. However, this comes with the caveat that the OCP is a de facto autocratic body, and thus creates or modifies laws as it sees fit. Though Olvana has a Constitution and code of laws, the real authority in the country is the OCP.

Domestic Security Forces

Ministry of Public Security. This ministry has primary oversight over police operations in Olvana. The Ministry of Public Security is organized with functional departments such as internal security, intelligence, counter-terrorism, police operations, prisons, and political, economic, and communications security. Subordinate to the ministry are provincial-level public security departments; public security bureaus and sub-bureaus at the county level (the bureaus located in the prefectures and large cities, the sub-bureaus in counties and municipal districts); and public security stations at the township level.

Public security stations have sections responsible for population control, pre-trial investigations, welfare, traffic control, detention centers, and other activities as needed.

The public security station - the police element in closest contact with the people - is supervised by the public security sub-bureau as well as by local governments. A great deal of coordination occurs among the public security organizations and the courts, so that a trial is usually a pro forma event and unlikely to produce a surprise outcome.

The public security station generally has considerably broader responsibilities than a police station in the other countries, involving itself in every aspect of citizens’ lives. In a rural area it has a chief, a deputy chief, a small administrative staff, and a small police force. In an urban area it has a greater number of administrative staff members and seven to eighteen patrolmen. Its criminal law activities includes investigation, apprehension, interrogation, and temporary detention. The station's household section maintains a registry of all persons living in the area. Births, deaths, marriages, and divorces are recorded and confirmed through household checks. The station regulates all hotels and requires visitors who remain beyond a certain number of days to register. It also regulates the possession, transportation, and use of all explosives, guns, ammunition, and poisons. 

Another important police function is controlling change of residence. Without such controls, larger numbers of rural residents undoubtedly would move to the overcrowded cities in search of better living standards, work, or education.

Government Paramilitary Forces. The Olvana Armed Police (OAP) is a national police force of approximately 700,000 officers equipped with small arms and civilian or modified civilian vehicles. There is no set structure for the OAP, as the number assigned to any area is based on the population, criminal activity, and the area’s importance. The OAP has the authority to arrest, investigate, and patrol all parts of Olvana, except those under military control. The OAP also serves as Olvana’s border control agents and guard strategic civilian infrastructure such as power stations, water purification plants, and dams. The OAP reports to the Minister of Interior.

Internal Security Forces. The OAP operates an internal security force (ISF) of approximately 200,000 personnel, whose mission is to ensure that there are no revolutions against the current Olvana regime. The average Olvanan cannot tell the difference between the two types of OAP members, as both wear the same uniform. The OAP ISF maintains a large number of its members in the country’s capital city to protect government leaders and to deter attempts at destabilizing or overthrowing the government. Though lightly armed when compared to the regular ground forces, OAP ISF members operate some of the latest military equipment that Olvana possesses. 

The two types of military style units in the OAP ISF are the paramilitary brigade, and the SPF brigade. The paramilitary brigades’ primary mission is to protect the OCP from insurrection or overthrow, with a secondary mission to suppress political protest. The SPF brigades have two primary missions. In peacetime, the SPF is focused on stopping terrorist activities before they happen or reacting to terrorist events in case prevention fails. In wartime, the OAP ISF conducts strategic level SPF missions. The OAP ISF operates a large anti-criminal and/anti-terrorism intelligence operation.

Prison System

The penal system in Olvana is composed of an administrative detention system, overseen by the Ministry of Public Security (MoPS), and a prison system, overseen by the Ministry of Justice (MoJ). Detention centers are managed by local public security departments and overseen by the MPS. Operation of detention centers vary as there are no standardized laws governing their operations—a disjointed and inconsistent mix of MPS regulations and provincial department of public security regulations govern their operations. Administrative Detention Centers are used for administrative or judicial detention for those incarcerated for less than fifteen days. It is usually located within a public security station and guarded by the local police. General Detention Centers are used for suspects of an ongoing criminal investigation or criminal detention when sentenced by a court for longer than fifteen days. The perimeters of these facilities are watched by the OAP, but administrated by the public security department. 

Prisons are usually large in size and are supervised by Bureau of Prison Administration under the MoJ. Certain prisons may be designated for high profile prisoners and administered under the Ministry of Public Security. Prisons are headed by a warden and few deputies, with a team of police. The perimeter of these facilities are watched by OAP. Female and juvenile prisoners are segregated into separate facilities. Almost all prisons in Olvana operate under the National Penal Labor law, which allows prisons to sell the labor of prisoners to private and state-owned enterprises. Some prisons have a full-time sales staff, whose job it is to solicit orders from businesses. The use of prisoner labor is an integral and needed revenue generator for the under-funded prison facilities. Prisoners in Olvanan prisons are systematically abused by guards and prison authorities. Torture is routinely used in Olvanan jails both as an interrogation technique and for punitive purposes.

Corruption

Corruption as westerners perceive it, has been a consistent part of Olvanan culture going back to the imperial era. Corruption was deeply ingrained in local politics and generally went to the highest levels of government: practically every major business deal or political negotiation in the country’s history has involved some level of corruption. Governance under the OCP has been no different, though it is difficult to say if corruption today is any worse or better than under previous regimes. Corruption within the bureaucracy has been so widespread that it has essentially became vital to the function of the country: regional party officials are not typically paid living wages, so income from bribes and other extra-legal means is a benefit of the position and helps keep the government functioning. 

Prior to the ascension of Kang Wuhan, the OCP historically showed little to no interest in mitigating corruption despite having complete authority to do so. This coupled with the OCP’s general secrecy led, over time, to a culture wherein the lines between corruption, legal, and semi-legal transactions have become so blurred as to be largely meaningless. However, the new Olvanan government led by Wuhan—and under serious pressure from the new-age Olvanan elite quasi-capitalists,—has begun what may be considered the largest anti-corruption campaign in the nation’s history. Thousands of officials at every level of government have been arrested and tried as the OCP attempts to reorient a very fundamental part of Olvanan culture. That said, it remains to be seen how much of the success of the anti-corruption campaign is itself resulting from corruption—it may yet prove to be little more than a play by one socioeconomic group against another, underwritten by a new, higher level kind of corruption. 

Corruption within the OPA is just as endemic as the OCP, if not more so. Procurement and policy are areas particularly affected. OPA senior officers traditionally received bribes and other favors as a matter of privilege associated with their rank. The military, however, was purged along with the rest of the government, firing or arresting several high ranking officers and punishing many others largely as a result from bribery payments associated with procurement. While anti-corruption efforts should generally be seen as positive, it remains to be seen if this low-grade purge of the OPA will reduce their readiness or capability in the short term. 

Much like the government, business in Olvana is largely built around a culture of corruption. Corruption in business was historically exacerbated by the unclear delineation between business and government, particularly at state-owned enterprises. Starting with the liberalization in the 1980s, Olvanan businesspeople interacted with the international community much more often, and subsequently found that Olvanan expectations about corruption generally did not align to those in the west. This eventually culminated in the emerging anti-corruption effort, which is really intended to make Olvanan business interests more competitive globally, and to encourage foreign investment in Olvana.

Human Rights and Freedoms

Olvana has maintained tight control over public speech within its borders since its inception. The government uses a variety of means, including controlled/filtered internet access, expensive licensing, legal and extra-legal violence, and punishment under the law, to censor, manage, and control speech in the country. Large numbers of journalists are arrested every year; in recent years, this trend has also extended to lawyers who represent these journalists. Olvana is recognized as the world’s “worst press jailer”. In addition, Olvana is expanding its press suppression efforts to beyond its borders: the OCP deliberately and publicly attempted to manipulate dialogue on the internet and in the media of other nations—particularly those in the Pacific Rim—in a kind of low-grade INFOWAR. Ironically, the OCP recently claimed that certain free speech rights are being restored to its citizens.

The OCP has even gone so far as to have prominent Olvanans, including former senior party officials, published articles through domestic and foreign media outlets that are critical of the OCP. This practice is a deception though, being done in order create an aura of free speech and to identify and monitor any public dissent that may surface as a result of the article. 

Much like other forms of speech, the freedom to assemble and or protest in Olvana is very restricted. Anti-government protests are virtually outlawed and nearly always result in the immediate arrest and possible incarceration of the protestors. Protests against other entities, such as businesses, non-governmental organizations, or other nations, are carefully monitored. In recent years, Olvana began to try and loosen some freedom of assembly laws to improve their international image. In the past the government has set up “free speech zones” and offered protest permits, provided that a fee was paid and the protest approved. In practice, this has done little to change the situation: virtually no protest applications receive approval, and several applicants were arrested and jailed simply for applying. 

Olvana is arguably the most carefully watched nation in the world with regard to human rights. Over 60 major human rights organizations monitor the nation, involving thousands of lawyers, diplomats, and activists. Olvana’s human rights record is at best poor: every year brings more reports of abuses against ethnic minorities, women, and political dissidents, the disabled, and human rights workers. The Olvanan stance on human rights within its borders is a complex issue: because they wish to be a full participant in the global economy and world politics, they actively work to suppress reports of abuses, yet meaningful reform is rare to nonexistent. This duality is exacerbated by the reaction of the international community, specifically the United States. Due to Olvana’s importance as a trading partner—and possibly due to its strategic importance as well—strong action either condemning or punishing Olvana for its human rights abuses is notably absent from business and political leaders in the United States. This creates a de facto contest between business and human rights. Olvana seeks to leverage its importance as a global economic power into immunity from human rights abuses, while the United States and multinational partners must balance priorities of business with those of humanity. 

From its earliest days, Olvana maintained an ostensibly pro-feminist general policy, in keeping with Marxist thought and tradition. During the Revolution, numerous measures, to include emancipation, marriage equality, and abolishment of forced marriage made Olvana something of a world leader in women’s rights. These efforts were met with strong resistance by the Olvanan population, particularly in rural areas. While reforms were not officially rolled back, both the population and the OCP never seriously pursued policies of true equality. The emergence of the Single Child Policy further disenfranchised women from the political process, resulting in significant marginalization of the female population by the 1990s. In practice, discrimination against women is strong in practically every facet of society: education, jobs, family, and criminal justice. Men dominate both the economic elite and the highest levels of government. The government has made little effort to address this issue, though educational opportunities for women have increased in recent years.

Provision of Services

Despite reforms, Olvana struggles to provide adequate public services to all but a small percentage of its very large population. Many of Olvana’s core problems arise from deficiencies in governance. The system is riddled with corruption, with officials abusing official position for personal gain and with the sale of government positions undermining the notion of promotion based on meritocratic principles. Recent economic growth has improved the capacity of the government to provide expanded and better services; but many, particularly in rural areas, are outside of this capacity.

Centers of Political Power

Map Placeholder

State Institutional Authority

Military

Unlike most western democracies, the Olvanan People's Army (OPA) is a significant political entity within Olvana. Given its historical prominence as a vanguard of Olvanan communism, the military has influence in the internal politics of the OCP. The clear delineation between civil authorities and military leadership is somewhat blurred within the OPA. Following student demonstrations in the late 1980s, the OCP sought to reduce the influence of the OPA in internal politics, with varying degrees of success. Several high profile incidents, including the unapproved test flight of a new fighter aircraft in response to an American visit to Olvana in 2011, suggest that civilian control of the military may not be as absolute as it is in western governments. While the OCP and OPA were once virtually indistinguishable from one another, lines of authority today are somewhat vague and rely on ad-hoc party connections. These appear to be eroding as the upper echelons of the OCP transition to a more plutocratic/capitalist elite, while the OPA retains a more traditional communist/revolutionary mindset. While there is no evidence to suggest that the OPA and OCP have differing strategic objectives, an autonomous or uncontrolled OPA may make decisions not in keeping with the overall political objectives of the OCP. Consequences of this may include escalating conflict against the wishes of the OCP.

Elites

The situation with elites in Olvana is evolving, and is potentially of great interest. While historically the caste system delineated elite status, with the advent of the Communist revolution, the elite in Olvana were simply the top echelon of the OCP. Relatively little wealth or power existed outside of the top echelons of the party. However, with the liberalization of the Olvanan economy in the 1980s, a new class of wealthy and powerful elites emerged. While practically all are still party members, they are essentially capitalist in nature: they make use of extremely low interest rates available through government investment to create globally competitive companies, then enjoy advantages in the export market due to Olvanan currency policies and advantageous laws. In recent years, this privileged class took to educating their children (and in some cases themselves) outside of Olvana. This portends a shift in culture in the top echelons of the social ladder, as these young people are far more western-friendly, as well as having far more capitalist sensibilities. While it is unlikely that any widespread reform or revolutionary activity will occur, so long as this trend continues Olvana’s gradual liberalization will likely continue. These unique conditions created unprecedented gaps in wealth between the rich and poor in Olvana, a situation that the government has identified as problematic and potentially destabilizing. The emerging power and status of Olvana’s economic elites also places them in potential opposition to Kang and the OCP, who represent a more traditional Marxist/Chengist viewpoint. The friction between these factions will likely define much about Olvana over the next several years.

Olvanan Communist Party (OCP)

Though Olvana’s 19th and 20th centuries were very tumultuous, the nation has enjoyed a period of considerable growth and stability thanks in large part to the power and organization level of the OCP. The OCP is one of the largest and certainly the most powerful political party in the world. Olvana’s government, along with one of the world’s largest economies, runs almost entirely under its umbrella. Its authority within Olvana is almost completely uncontested, and global perceptions of the OCP have improved considerably since the days of Cheng. Though periodic demonstrations, calls for democratization, and complaints about human rights and worker abuses are still constant, there appears to be no immediate threat to the authority or stability of the OCP or Olvana at large.

Non-State Institutional Authority

Non-state authority is discouraged, however, Olvana has experienced a loosening of economic restrictions—utilizing elements of a market economy to fuel its growth. Sharing ownership of corporations still controlled by the government has increased the wealth and influence of Olvanan private investors.

NGOs

NGOs are providing health and other social welfare benefits to poor Olvanans. This has allowed increased, but still limited, influence outside the OCP. There are over a thousand organizations operating as charities in Olvana, of which only 24 are foreign entities. Olvana’s charitable organizations do not significantly influence social or political behavior in Olvana. Thanks to the influence of foreign NGOs, Olvana’s charitable organizations have a better understanding of advocacy, but lack the political influence to make real change. Prosecution of Olvanan citizens can be capricious and swift, if their actions are deemed a threat to the regime.

Religious Leaders

Olvana is officially an atheist country, but the region historically gave rise to several major religious and philosophical belief systems. The majority of the Olvanese population identifies as either Hindu or some manner of “folk religion” such as Taoism or Confucianism. During the early days of the revolution, religious organizations and people were actively banned or expelled from the country, and religion was actively suppressed. The OCP found that completely suppressing Hinduism was an impossible task and despite efforts to eliminate the Hindu-based caste system, the government tolerated the practice and deemed Hindu dogma in general “appropriate for the family”.

Informal Authority (Social Groups)

Ethno-linguistic Groups

Although Olvana claims over 50 different indigenous tribes, traditional ethnic/tribal relationships play nearly no meaningful role in Olvanan politics. The most significant region that still sees some traditional tribalism is in the southwest of the country, where numerous minority ethnicities still exist. The major impact that traditional tribes have on Olvanan politics is as a propaganda tool. By highlighting and publicizing the presence of traditional tribes, Olvana wishes to show greater ethnic diversity and tolerance for minorities, contrasting with their human rights record.

Kinship Groups

The family was traditionally—and remains today—the single most important social construct of Olvanese culture. Throughout all of the various wars, upheavals and reforms of the 20th century, the Olvanan family remained largely untouched. Olvanan families place great emphasis on the elders of the family, on multi-generational households, and on loyalty to the family group ahead of anything else. The main recent domestic political issue with regard to the family was attempts to limit population growth by forcing or coercing couples to have only one child. While this arguably slowed population growth, it had significant consequences for the family. Since, in Olvanese culture, men traditionally take care of elderly parents, families aborted, adopted out, or abandoned female children in large numbers. This in turn had many significant second and third order effects: male births shot up, which caused a huge discrepancy in the male/female ratio, which in turn created large numbers of young males unable to find wives and start their own families. Olvana eventually repealed the policies, replacing them with milder population control directives.

Non-state Sponsored Religious Groups

Tolerance for religion in general began to emerge over the last several decades, and religious organizations were allowed, either officially or unofficially, to operate within Olvana. This in turn caused something of a spiritual revival. Today, Hinduism, Olvanan Folk Religions, Islam, Christianity, Buddhism and other outside religions being practiced throughout Olvana; the OCP appears to be at least tolerant of this development. However, if any religious organization comes into direct conflict with the OCP, it will likely be suppressed or banned. Systemic discrimination, periodic military and police attacks, and other forms of control are tactics employed by the government to address the perceived threat from religious communities. Many religious organizations are aware of this threat, having experienced it in the past.  Therefore it is common for organizations of all faiths to have plans for surviving potential suppression. These plans typically include the ability to develop and maintain secret networks for organization and the continued practice of their faith.

Politics and Political Parties

Domestic Political Issues

Economic Growth and Poverty

Without a growing economy to guarantee employment, ordinary Olvanans have the potential to be a hugely disruptive force—challenging the stability the OCP demands. The populism in the current government’s plan is driven by a vow to eradicate absolute poverty in five years. It is essential for the government to prevent any perception of failure in managing the economy from becoming widespread among the anxious Olvanan population.

Corruption

Thousands of officials at every level of government, the military, and private business have been arrested and tried as the OCP attempts to reorient a very fundamental part of Olvanan culture. While anti-corruption efforts should generally be seen as positive, it remains to be seen if these efforts will produce significant shifts, at least in the short-term.

Dissidents and Activists

The Olvanan government sees any form of opposition as a threat. Social media and other means of communication, however, are making it difficult for the OCP to stifle dissent. International focus on its human rights abuses and its incarcerated activists cannot be hid from the general population, despite attempts to control and censor all forms of communication. This will continue to challenge Olvana’s need to control a large country, while opening it up economically to spur economic growth.

Official Political Parties

While multiple political parties exist in Olvana, in practice, all parties operate in complete cooperation with the Olvana Communist Party. Real opposition to OCP policies is not allowed. The non-Communist parties of Olvana are neither parties out of office, nor opposition parties, but friendly parties that "coexist over a long period of time and engage in mutual supervision with the OCP. They are parties participating in government and political affairs, but in concert with the ruling communist party. Many members of the non-Communist parties hold leading posts in the government at various levels.

Olvanan Communist Party (OCP)

The OCP, founded in 1948, is the party in control and the guiding force behind all policies and governance in Olvana.

Democratic League (DL)

Founded in 1941, the DL is mostly composed of intellectuals at fairly senior levels. 

Democratic National Construction Association (DNCA)

Founded in 1945, tthe DNCAy has members primarily from the economic field. 

Association for the Promotion of Democracy (APD)

Founded in December 1945, the APD attracts intellectuals working in educational, cultural, scientific and publishing fields.

Peasants and Workers Democratic Party (PWDP)

Founded in 1930, the PWDP currently is comprised of Olvanans working in the fields of public health, culture and education or science and technology.

Political Coalitions

Since Olvanan political parties operate in conjunction with the OCP, coalitions only rally around relatively inconsequential issues and those that are approved by the OCP. Coalitions are, therefore, not significant and do not drive any real change.

Other Domestic Influential Groups

Activists and Dissidents

The OCP has long sought to suppress ideas that could undermine the sweeping authority it has over its people. These tactics include targeting activists and dissidents with house arrest, long prison sentences, torture, and disappearance. Punishment may even extend to family members and friends. International voices regularly bring attention to the plight of Olvanan journalists, academics, and ordinary citizens who find themselves on the wrong side of the OCP. 

International Relationships

Geopolitical/International Political Strategy

While it is actively growing its military strength and capacity, Olvana’s primary strategy is to project its strength through economic activities. Olvana is positioning itself as the primary regional power and challenging other major powers, primarily the US and Donovia, in areas of the world where it can offer funding for infrastructure projects, economic development, and other needed investment. The transactional nature of the strategy and Olvana’s power position in any relationship gives Olvana the greater benefit.

National Arctic Strategy

Olvana’s stated policy goals are to comprehend, safeguard, grow, and join in the governance of the Arctic, so as to protect the common interests of all countries and the international community. Olvana wants to encourage viable long term Arctic development and growth. The Olvanan government respects the rights of the Arctic states. At the same time, it views the Arctic as an international common space with a shared future for all countries. Olvana has four primary strategic themes regarding the Arctic: 

• Comprehension of the Changing Arctic. Olvana recognizes that the opening of the northern sea lanes and the shifting of fishing grounds to the north demands in-depth academic study for the potential future use of Arctic resources. 
• Safeguarding the Arctic Ecosystem. Olvana wants to preserve Arctic resources at a sustainable level and prevent overfishing, mining, or other ecological damage.
• Ensuring Lawful Rights to Arctic Resources are Maintained. Olvana wants to ensure its own lawful right as a member of the international community to peacefully access Arctic resources for its own use.
• Acknowledgement as an Active Member in Arctic Governance. Olvana seeks to guarantee its position as a member on all Arctic governing bodies and involvement in any and all decisions made regarding Arctic resources. Olvana seeks to initiate change from within the existing Arctic councils and organizations.

Strategic Interests for Arctic Region

Olvana has expanded strategic interests and is active in the Arctic region. Olvana is attempting to stake claims and legitimize increasing influence in the region. It has been attempting to legitimize potential future Arctic claims by describing itself as a “near-Arctic” state. Olvana’s Global Paths Initiative (GPI) includes an “Ice Fox Corridor” that requires open transit through the Arctic Northern Passages. The maritime shipping distance from Shanghai to Hamburg is about 4,000 miles shorter via the Northeast Passage than the southern route through the Strait of Malacca and the Suez Canal. For Olvana’s energy import–dependent economy, Arctic resources and sea-lanes present a welcome strategic remedy. Olvana will continue to covet Arctic resources, working through economic investment and partnerships. Olvana’s long-term goal is to operate in and exploit the resources of the Arctic at a level comparable or exceeding the Arctic nations.

Major Diaspora Population(s)

Olvanans are found all over the world, with many taking advantage of education opportunities in both the US, Europe, Donovia, and other countries. Remittances are an important part of the income for poor Olvanans. The diaspora is another source of information about what is happening outside of Olvana.

Relationship With Major World Powers

United States

Olvanan citizens take a generally dim view of America: only 44% view Americans positively. They see Americans as over-consuming and somewhat self-centered, though they respect and like many aspects of American culture. Much of this distrust comes from the expanding competition between American and Olvana. High proportions of both American and Olvanan citizens view the other nation as either a serious or a potential threat; majorities in both nations believe that Olvana will supplant the United States as the world’s preeminent superpower in the relatively near future. Much of this mistrust can be traced to previous generations’ perspectives: younger populations who did not live through the height of the Cold War have much higher positive perceptions of the respective opposite nation.

There is probably not a more watched, nor more consequential inter-governmental relationship than that between the US and Olvana. Olvana is one of the US's largest trading partners; both countries comprise critical pillars of one another’s economies, both in terms of international trade and domestic growth. The critical role that Olvana plays in the American economy often conflicts with American strategic or military interests, and with the American stance on human rights violations. The American government, usually ready and willing to embargo or sanction other nations as punishment for territorial aggression or human rights violations, has been consistently hesitant to do so with Olvana since the normalization of trade relations. Olvana continues to antagonize and bully American allies while espousing a strict policy of non-conflict with America. These conflicting objectives will define the future of the Pacific Rim and likely have an enormous influence on the global economy and world politics over the next half century.

Broadly speaking, Olvana’s population enthusiastically embraces America’s cultural exports. This is especially true of younger, affluent Olvanans, who identify American culture as highly desirable. Despite government censorship efforts, American media permeates the educated strata of Olvanan society, which serves to soften the otherwise stark differences between the two countries. This has not necessarily translated into increased trust of the American government or population, but it has served to subtly, positively alter the perspective of Olvanan citizens towards western, democratic societies. Conversely, aside from staple items like Americanized Olvanese food, Americans remain largely ignorant of and indifferent to Olvanan culture. Few Olvanan cultural exports take hold in America, and most Americans have no substantive interest in Olvana outside of economic and political/strategic matters.

Though the US military and the OPA view one another as rivals, there has been no lack of attempts to foster positive relationships between the two organizations over the last several decades. Beginning with tentative anti-Donovian cooperation over 50 years ago, both nations made numerous official visits, building a positive military-to-military relationship. This largely dissolved along with Communist Bloc. The current US–Olvana military relationship is a mix of cooperation and competition. There are some significant shared interests, coupled with a number of competing interests. Leaders in both countries are aware that a military confrontation would have high costs for both sides: both sides are attempting to build mechanisms to avoid such an eventuality using military-to-military cooperation as a basis.

Olvana’s economic relationship with the US is critical to both countries. Olvana relies on the US as an export market; the United States relies on Olvana as a manufacturing partner, a destination for American corporations’ international expansion, and increasingly, as an export market. This relationship is consistently strained, however, by numerous factors: Olvana’s practices in the global trade market, the perception that Olvana is stealing jobs from American workers, lax enforcement of intellectual property laws, and cyber intrusions by the Olvanan government, just to name a few.

Donovia

Olvana’s relationship with Donovia is highly dependent on its relationship with the US. The relationship between the curious and distrustful triad of Olvana, Donovia, and the US constantly ebbs and flows as situations change and advantages are sought between the three world powers. Partnerships and agreements are made within the context of perceived self-interest. 

Strengthening economic ties is a large part of warm Olvana-Donovian relations. The two countries have expressed a common interest in significantly increasing their trade over the next five years by implementing joint projects in fields of energy, industry and agriculture, particularly as Donovia suffers under sanctions that has limited its economic growth in recent years. Security and defense is another area where Olvana and Donovia are seeking to build ties, Donovia having greater practical military experience than Olvana. Olvana-Donovian security cooperation present challenges to U.S. interests, including to the regional security balance, U.S.-led sanctions, and U.S. military freedom of action and access. Cooperation between the two countries is subject to any number of possible variables that will weaken the relationship and cause a pivot to the United States in lesser or greater degree by either or both of the countries.

European Union

Relations between Olvana and the European Union are governed by the 1985 EU-Olvana Comprehensive Trade and Cooperation Agreement. Since 2007, negotiations have been underway to upgrade this to a new European Union-Olvana Association Agreement. There are currently 24 sectoral dialogues and agreements from environmental protection to education in process. The EU is Olvana’s largest trading partner and Olvana is the EU's second largest trade partner after the United States. Most of this trade is in industrial and manufactured goods. The relationship is not without disputes that include charges of human rights violations on the part of Olvana, charges of unfair Olvanan subsidies on textiles, EU arms embargoes on Olvana, and Olvanan cyber-attacks on EU countries.

Relationship to other Countries in the Region

North Torbia

Olvana remains the primary trading partner, ally, and patron of North Torbia. Although Olvana has upheld some of the international sanctions against North Torbia and taken some measures to squeeze it economically, including the suspension of fuel sales and restrictions on financial activities, relations appear to have thawed somewhat over a number of issues. North Torbia’s complete isolation from most of the world has made its relationship with Olvana extremely critical. With decades of sanctions placed on North Torbia, Olvana has the greatest influence on the direction of its ally and is often called upon to restrain North Torbia’s more irrational and threatening actions. Olvana has walked a precarious line in avoiding world condemnation and support of North Torbia.

South Torbia

In recent years, Olvana and South Torbia have endeavored to boost their strategic and cooperative partnership in numerous sectors, as well as promoting high level relationship. Trade, tourism and multiculturalism, specifically, have been the most important factors of strengthening two countries’ cooperative partnership.^]

The relations significantly deteriorated after South Torbia announced its intentions to deploy missiles in its boundaries, a move that Olvana strongly opposed. Olvana imposed an unofficial boycott on South Torbia in an attempt to stop them from deploying the missile system. In the past five years, the two countries ended the long diplomatic dispute and have returned to diplomatic discussions regarding exchanges and cooperation in a variety of areas. All Olvanan economic and cultural bans on South Torbia have been lifted, with political and security cooperation, business and cultural exchanges between the two countries resuming.

Belesia

Olvana’s primary interest in Belesia is as a trading partner. For Belesia’s part, it is very dependent on products coming from Olvana. Olvanan companies are also investing in Belesia’s emerging manufacturing industry for its low cost labor. 

Gabal

Olvana has small investments in Gabal’s mining industry and provides limited aid in the form of loans. Olvanan citizens who now have permanent businesses in Gabal make up an influential minority community. Though Olvana’s government is unlikely to publically admit it, they view Gabal as being a weak state therefore a potential location from which they can project both economic and military power. The key is to somehow get the Gabalian’s to invite them in.

Regional Issues

Sovereignty

There are no real issues related to sovereignty.

Domestic Sovereignty

Olvana has no serious issues threatening its domestic sovereignty.  While there are likely minority populations and ideological dissenters who are unhappy with the state, they lack any means to organize domestically.

Territorial/Interdependence Sovereignty

Olvana has territorial sovereignty over the lands within the borders that are recognized by the majority of other nations. That said, Olvana contests some of these borders, and claims that certain territory is illegally held by other nations. Perhaps the most widely known region where this is occurring is in the South China Sea.

International Sovereignty

As a major military and economic power, Olvana is accepted as a sovereign country.

Issues of de jure and de facto Sovereignty

In recent history, the OCP has maintained a tight grip on the country. Attempts at exerting sovereignty or secessionist inclinations are met with the full force of the security forces.

Conflict and or Disputes

Certain regions have minority communities that periodically flare up in response to perceived neglect, discrimination, or other abuses. These are dealt with decisively and quickly. Leaders are quickly identified and imprisoned to avoid the spread of dissent among a general population. While it has not led to conflict, disagreements over land rights within the South China Sea remain a point of friction.

Water Rights

The current water management system in Olvana generally involves over a dozen governmental agencies or departments, whose functions overlap with decentralized powers, making it difficult to coordinate inter-agency actions or policies and further resulting in low working efficiency.

 Water-resource disputes have increasingly become a salient issue in Olvana’s peripheral relations. Due to the conflicts over water resources on Olvana’s peripheries, water security has become an indispensable pillar of regional stability. Olvana’s water security relationship with neighboring countries is generally characterized by low conflict and low cooperation. The nature of the trans-boundary rivers has made Olvana and its neighboring countries naturally interdependent. The interdependence, however, is unequal due to the geographical conditions and degrees of dependence by countries. Compared with its neighboring countries, Olvana wields stronger economic power and geographically occupies the upstream of many trans-boundary rivers. Since many of Olvana’s neighboring countries are dependent on trans-boundary rivers, they are very sensitive and vulnerable to the water quality and quantity in these rivers. With regard to water security agreements and cooperative efforts between Olvana and its neighboring countries, Olvana wields the greater advantage.

Environmental Issues

Pollution from industrial growth is a significant problem for Olvana. The government recognizes the problem and is working toward a cleaner environment. It is a leading producer of solar technology and is creating environmental regulations that will limit pollution output from manufacturing and vehicles. This is a slow process with potential impacts on economic growth goals. There will be small and incremental improvement in the short-term.

Political Relationships

Global Participation

Olvana’s global participation is primarily based on economic and trade agreements, rather than military; however, it contributes military assets and personnel under UN operations and has robust arms sales. Its diplomatic and economic relations are focused on areas where old Cold War ideological relationships have been converted into economic partnerships.

Regional Participation

Olvana involves itself in regional environmental and trade organizations that further its interests in increasing its influence in the region.

Arctic Oriented International Relationships

Olvana continues to expand its international relationships with Arctic nations as well as with nations that may later be served through the “Ice Fox Corridor”.  Olvana has a significant diplomatic presence in countries north of the Arctic Circle. Olvanan diplomatic efforts in countries like Iceland and Norway have been aimed at setting the conditions for greater Olvanan participation in the development of Arctic policy, and increasing communication and cooperation between Arctic nations and near-Arctic nations. Arctic council observer countries like Olvana and Japan hold routine diplomatic discussions regarding economic cooperation and resource efficiency, particularly with regard to fisheries in the Arctic, which are of great importance to both. Donovia and Olvana are currently building the world's largest polar gas liquefaction plant. Olvana’s efforts to enter Arctic discussions have begun to payoff, with several members of the Arctic council warming to the idea of addressing differences with Olvana  and expanding dialogues on the issues of the Arctic and sustainable development. Norway, in particular, has maintained a cooperative relationship with Olvana based upon mutual interests in scientific research in the Arctic. This relationship will likely play a role as Olvana seeks to strengthen coordination with Arctic nations, and find political solutions for regional and international issues. 

Military Relationships

Olvana is one of the largest countries in terms of size and population in the Pacific. Underpinning a national objective to become the regional hegemon, Olvana maintains the largest military in the region. Olvanan strategic goals stem from its long history as the major power in the Western Pacific for more than 20 centuries. While Olvana has periodically been occupied by other powers for short periods, the people have always risen up to reinstate their independence from their oppressor. Olvana today wishes to be the regional hegemon, with major influence in all parts of the world. 

Olvanan desire for regional hegemony in the Western Pacific also means keeping other major powers out of the region. Olvana will not hesitate to join a local war if the result will help the country continue its economic and military climb to become a dominant world power on par with Donovia and the US. 

Olvana attempts to limit the US and its allies in the Western Pacific through a combination of economic and military strategies. Olvana often provides funding for infrastructure projects in other countries and uses the dependence of other countries to its economic advantage. Olvana often provides aid for regional natural disasters, such as earthquakes, volcanic eruptions, and tsunamis.

Alliances

• Arctic Council (observer)
• ASEAN Regional Forum (ARF)
• Certified Internal Controls Auditor (CICA)
• East Asian Seas (EAS)
• Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO)
• G-20
• G-77
• International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA)
• International Civil Aviation Organization (ICAO)
• International Criminal Court
• Institute of Certified Records Managers (ICRM)
• International Federation of Red Cross and Red Crescent Societies (IFRCS)
• International Hydrographic Organization (IHO)
• International Labor Organization (ILO)
• International Maritime Organization (IMO)
• International Mobile Satellite Organization (IMSO)
• Interpol
• International Olympic Committee (IOC)
• International Organization for Migration (IOM)
• Inter-Parliamentary Union (IPU)
• International Organization for Standardization (ISO)
• International Telecommunications Satellite Organization (ITSO)
• International Telecommunication Union (ITU)
• Latin American Integration Association (LAIA) (observer)
• Multilateral Investment Guarantee Agency (MIGA)
• United Nations Mission for the Referendum in Western Sahara (MINURSO)
• United Nations Multidimensional Integrated Stabilization Mission in Mali (MINUSMA)
• United Nations Organization Stabilization Mission in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (MONUSCO)
• Non-Aligned Movement (NAM) (observer)
• Nuclear Suppliers Group (NSG)
• Organization of American States (OAS) (observer)
• Organization for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons (OPCW)
• Pacific Alliance (observer)
• Permanent Court of Appeal (PCA)
• Pacific Islands Forum (PIF)
• South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC) (observer)
• United Nations (UN)
• United Nations Hybrid Operation in Darfur (UNAMID)
• United Nations Conference on Trade and Development (UNCTAD)
• United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO)
• United Nations Peacekeeping Force in Cyprus (UNFICYP)
• United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR)

Treaties

Torbia and Belesia sit in between Olvana and access to major trade routes in the Pacific Ocean. Maritime transport accounts for 80% of global trade by volume and 70% by value. Olvana is reliant on these routes for its economy, and is thus dependent on the US Navy to maintain freedom of navigation. To offset this reliance, it is seeking to expand overland routes to Europe, Africa, and alternate ports for shorter maritime routes. Olvana adopted the soft power tool of money—via investments and project funding—to expand its influence. Joint economic and political projects between Olvana and other Pacific nations have been on the rise. These include trans-Eurasian trains, streamlined customs procedures, more investment from and trade with Olvana, increased cooperation in industries such as aerospace, science and finance, as well as initiatives to trade in currencies other than in US dollars.

Military Aid

While primarily inclined to contribute economic Olvana conducts arms sales and training to enhance foreign relationships, and to generate revenue to support its domestic defense industry. Olvana sells primarily to developing countries, where low-cost weapons sales serve both commercial and strategic purposes. The Olvana Defense Minister recently sealed a deal for an arms factory to build a production and maintenance facility for Olvanan weapons in Belesia. As Olvanan arms become more capable and comparable to sophisticated systems sold by Western or Donovian suppliers, and thus more expensive, these low-cost arms sales have declined in importance as a tool of influence. Nonetheless, arms sales continue to play a key role in Olvana’s efforts to influence cash-strapped countries—many of which do not have access to other sources of arms, and are willing to trade quality for lower cost. As its own fielded arms quality improves, Olvana may be able to sell off outdated equipment as a competitive tool of influence.aid and investment to other countries, Olvana does provide significant amounts of military aid.

Economic Relationships

Olvana is the world’s second largest exporter. Annual trade value is more than $3.2 trillion, with a balance of payments exceeding $480 billion. Olvana faces trade competition both regionally and internationally; competitors include South Torbia, the US, and the EU, with emerging threats from Belesia and its trading allies. Olvana is very integrated into World Trade Organization (WTO), and, through that membership, provides extremely low interest rate loans to small nations. Olvana hopes to leverage these loans into acceptance of basing or logistics support requests in expansion of its trade routes.

Trade Agreements

Olvana has developed a strategic position when it comes to entering into free trade agreements – the policy of allowing dutiable and tax reduction on certain products and services being one of the main cornerstones. The signing of the Pacific Free Trade Agreement (PFTA) five years ago is and will continue to have a huge impact on Olvana and the region’s development as a global manufacturing source and the foreign investment related thereto. 

Olvana has eleven Free Trade Agreements (FTA) in operation, with another three under negotiation and an additional three under consideration. Of these, most are relatively small, although useful for companies from the countries that have them.

Tariffs, Sanctions, and Embargos

There are currently no official international economic sanctions against Olvana. Policy within the US, EU, South Torbia, and elsewhere, however, have economic effects in Olvana. For example, the US and the EU imposed an arms embargo on Olvana following human rights violations almost 30 years ago, but there is no common definition of what this embargo actually entailed, and individual nations applied the embargo differently. Therefore, while the US still embargoes a full range of national munitions, the United Kingdom only bans lethal items and major weapons systems, allowing sales of such as search radars and utility helicopters. More recently, sanctions levied against North Torbia and other nations caused a slowdown of Olvanan electronics and maritime production due to decreased access to low-cost copper and nickel.

Officially, Olvana complies with international sanctions regarding trade with North Torbia. Trade in sanctioned goods and services has diminished, but the volume of official trade in non-sanctioned goods has increased. Officially, Olvana attempts to strike a balance between maintaining a healthy trading relationship with North Torbia while avoiding international tensions with the west. Historically, however, Olvana has not enforced many sanctions, especially in nickel sales. Additionally, copper-intensive businesses purchase North Torbian copper on an off-book basis, avoiding recording by customs officials.

Economic Aid

Economic aid to other countries tends to be transactional in the form of loans to fund infrastructure and other similar projects. These loans often have clauses that, in the event of a government defaulting on repayment, enables Olvana to take ownership of state owned companies, ports and infrastructure, or land rights. While Olvana maintains that these clauses are part of the contract that both parties freely agree to, many in the international community view these contracts as an infringement on the sovereignty of the borrowing nation. In times of natural disaster, Olvana has been a significant contributor to relief efforts.

Other International Organizations

• United Nations Industrial Development Organization (UNIDO)
• African Development Bank Group (non-regional member) (ADBG)
• Asian Development Bank (ADB)
• Asia-Pacific Asian Economic Cooperation (APEC)
• Bank for International Settlement (BIS)
• Caribbean Development Bank (CDB)
• Financial Action Task Force (FATF)
• Inter-American Development Bank (IADB)
• International Bank for Reconstruction and Development (IBRD)
• International Development (IDA)
• International Fund for Agricultural Development (IFAD)
• International Finance Corporation (IFC)
• International Monetary Fund (IMF)
• Arctic Counsel
• International Maritime Organization (IMO)
• Agreement to Prevent Unregulated High Seas Fisheries in the Arctic Ocean

Arctic International Organizational Relationships

Arctic Council

Olvana has participated in the work of the Arctic Council since 2007. Olvana’s role with the Arctic Council remained limited until 2013 when it requested recognition as an “Arctic Country” by the Arctic Council. The Council denied that request and instead granted Olvana formal observer status. Olvana continues to seek recognition as a “near-Arctic state” with rights equal to one of the Arctic states. Olvana seeks to bring change in the Arctic Council from within as a full member.  

International Maritime Organization (IMO)

Olvana is also a member of the International Maritime Organization (IMO) and supports the IMO’s International Code for Ships Operating in Polar Waters (Polar Code). Olvana supports the Polar Code as an international agreement that legitimizes it’s claim to Polar transit lanes and furthers its aspirations for an expanded “Ice Fox Corridor”.

Agreement to Prevent Unregulated High Seas Fisheries in the Arctic Ocean

Olvana was among ten signatories (The United States, Canada, Olvana, Donovia, Denmark (in respect of the Faroe Islands and Greenland), the European Union, Iceland, Japan, Norway, and Torbia) of the Agreement to Prevent Unregulated High Seas Fisheries in the Central Arctic Ocean. The Agreement has two principal objectives: the prevention of unregulated fishing in the high seas portion of the central Arctic Ocean and the facilitation of joint scientific research and monitoring.