Political: Donovia-West

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Political Overview // PAGE UNDER CONSTRUCTION//

United Republics of Donovia is nominally a republic but operates as an authoritarian state. Despite outward moves toward democracy, the small political/economic elite maintain power through control of the dominant political party, the Unionist Democratic Party (UDP). The UDP, in turn, dominates the political and economic landscapes. Despite a tumultuous past, the Donovian political structure is generally stable. The UDP arose from the aftermath of decades of widespread corruption at the highest levels of the Donovian political system that devastated the nation ending nearly 70 continuous years of Donovian power and development. While the UDP has managed to create economic stability and increase national prestige through assertive military and diplomatic maneuvering, it has done so through the centralization of state political control. Despite the creation of a strong central authority, Donovia strives to retain a veneer of democracy and a free market economy. While corruption within the government has long been tolerated, the population’s willingness to overlook abuses of power is tied to their economic outlook.

Donovia is an oligarchy, with power being held by a small group of elites. These elites embrace nepotism, distributing political power in a self-dealing fashion, ensuring the success of economic allies, and using the proceeds of economic dealings to reinforce their political position through patronage and corruption. This network of powerful elites arose from across the law enforcement, military, and intelligence communities that coalesced under a mandate to clean up corruption and contain the resulting economic and social fallout.  Donovia’s political elite conduct extensive, continuous, and effective domestic information operations. They actively prepare their citizens for conflict, embracing a narrative of constant threat from outsiders. The majority of citizens in Western Donovia support the country’s foreign policy, especially with regard to the U.S. and NATO. This is reinforced by identity-based narrative themes centered around Pan-Slavic and Donovian nationalism.

Political History

United Federation of Socialist Republics (UFSR)

In the early 1920s, Donovia began amassing a federation of regional countries into what would eventually become the highly centralized United Federation of Socialist Republics (UFSR). This confederation of countries, tightly controlled from Moscow, would define regional and world politics, setting up bilateral tension until the early 1990s.

 Protsvetaniye

In the late 1980s, economic stagnation caused tension and restlessness among the vast UFSR citizenry which was stirred by nationalist and civil society leaders. The paramount challenge for UFSR leaders involved interplay between maintaining the communist party and its hold on power and the need to loosen centralized economic control to encourage innovation. Concern from Moscow resulted in a liberalization of strict traditional leadership and policies that encouraged more freedom of thought. Led primarily by Chairman of the Supreme Presidium of the Communist Party of UFSR, Rudolph Ivanov, the government grappled with the intersection of nationalist and separatist movements within the UFSR and a loosening of its authoritarian grip through a framework known as Protsvetaniye, translated as Prosperity.

Dissolution of the UFSR

Protsvetaniye policies and an increasing nationalist fervor among UFSR republics, led to a domino effect as they began demanding independence. In August 1991, Communist Party hard liners attempted a coup d'état against the dissolving UFSR in Moscow. It failed, with Donovian President Boris Sidorov playing a high-profile role in facing down the coup. The Communist Party was banned shortly after. On 25 December 1991, Ivanov resigned. All the UFSR republics emerged from the dissolution as independent states. Donovia assumed the UFSR’s rights and obligations and is recognized as its continued legal successor in world affairs. 

Modern Donovia

Sidorov’s attempts to bring the country closer to the Western concept of politics and economics brought him several years of popularity among the Donovian people. Unmet expectations of economic prosperity and resistance from UFSR era oligarchs led to his eventual downfall. He received both praise and criticism for his role in dismantling the UFSR, transforming Donovia into a representative democracy, and introducing new political, economic, and cultural freedoms to the country. Conversely, he was accused of economic mismanagement, overseeing a massive growth in inequality and corruption, and sometimes of undermining Donovia’s standing as a major world power.

Donovia has not lived up to initial expectations during the early post-UFSR days. An increasingly autocratic government has emerged through political machinations, constitutional changes, judicial decisions, oligarchic interests, and demands from an impatient citizenry. The current president, Andre Volkov, exercises dictatorial powers over the government. He is not able to wield complete control, but deftly maneuvers political, economic, and public entities to maintain a balance of power with himself at the center.

Government Overview

Branches of Government

Legislative Authority

Donovia maintains a bicameral Legislature with an Upper House consisting of 150 deputies, and a Lower House of consisting of 300 deputies. Elections for both houses occurs every four years, with direct proportional representation. In the event of a tie, the president controls the tie-breaking vote. Though legislative power is encoded in the constitution, in practice the legislative body lacks independence due to the fact that almost all deputies are party loyalists or functionaries. The few independent legislators possess almost no legislative power, lacking the ability to propose or block legislation or to investigate government malfeasance.

Both houses are in reality "rubber-stamp" legislative bodies, which meet for only one week per quarter. The constitution directs that the two houses meet separately in sessions open to the public, although joint meetings are held for important speeches by the president or foreign dignitaries. Deputies of the Legislature work full-time on their legislative duties and they are not allowed to serve simultaneously in local legislatures or hold other government positions.

Elections for the Legislative Houses occurred two years ago, with the next elections scheduled two years from now.

Each house elects a chairman to control the internal procedures of the house. The houses also form committees and commissions to deal with particular types of issues, which are overseen by fulltime deputies. These committees and commissions have significant responsibilities in devising legislation and conducting oversight. They prepare and evaluate draft laws, report on draft laws to their houses, conduct hearings, and oversee implementation of the laws. There are twenty-eight committees and several ad hoc commissions in the Legislature. Committee positions are allocated when new parliaments are seated.

Legislative Process. Draft laws may originate in either legislative chamber or be submitted by the president, the relevant ministries, local legislatures, or the Supreme Court. Draft laws are first considered in the Lower House. Upon adoption by a majority of the membership, a draft law is forwarded to the Upper House for consideration at its next meeting. Conciliation commissions are the prescribed procedure to work out differences in bills considered by both chambers.

Executive Authority

The constitution and political practice of Donovia ensures an almost dictatorial level of power for the executive branch. Presidents are limited to two consecutive terms of six years, but after a six-year hiatus, a former president can run for reelection again. The president is usually a member or trusted agent of the Donovian elite and can be guaranteed to defend the elite’s interests. The president possesses the ability to appoint officials at local and republic levels, guaranteeing large numbers of patronage positions and the overall loyalty of the bulk of the Donovian government. The current president is four years into his first six-year term. The next presidential election is scheduled for two years from now.

Dissident Donovian sources report the size of the presidential apparatus (both official and unofficial roles) in Moscow and other localities at more than 75,000 people. Most are employees of state-owned enterprises directly under presidential control. There are six administrative departments  which deal with citizens' rights, domestic and foreign policy, state and legal matters, personnel, analysis, and oversight. There is also a presidential advisory group with input on the economy, national security, and other matters.

The president also has extensive power over military policy. He approves defense doctrine, appoints and removes the high command of the armed forces, and confers higher military ranks and awards. The president is empowered to declare national or regional states of martial law, as well as state of emergency. In both cases, both legislative houses must be notified immediately. The Upper House has the power to confirm or reject such a decree. The regime of martial law is defined by federal law "On Martial Law", signed into law in 2002. The circumstances and procedures for the president to declare a state of emergency are more specifically outlined in federal law than in the constitution. In practice, the Constitutional Court ruled in 1995 that the president has wide leeway in responding to crises within Donovia.

Other presidential support services include the Central Directorate (in charge of investigating official corruption), the Administrative Directorate, the Presidential Press Activity, and Protocol. The Administrative Directorate controls state mansions, sanatoriums, automobiles, office buildings, and other perquisites of high office for the executive, legislative, and judicial branches of government, a function that includes management of more than 200 state industries with about 50,000 employees. The Committee on Operational Questions is a "government within a government".   Also attached to the presidency are more than two dozen consultative commissions and extra-budgetary "funds".

The Constitution sets few requirements for presidential elections, deferring in many matters to other provisions established by law. The presidential term is set at six years, and the president may only serve two consecutive terms. A candidate for president must be a citizen of Donovia, at least 35 years of age, and a resident of the country for at least ten years. If a president becomes unable to continue in office because of health problems, resignation, impeachment, or death, a presidential election is to be held not more than three months later. In such a situation, the Upper House is empowered to set the election date. Federal law requires at least 50% of eligible voters participate in order for a presidential election to be valid. 

The Donovian Government contains 24 executive ministries that execute credit and monetary policies and defense, foreign policy, and state security functions; ensure the rule of law and respect for human and civil rights; protect property; and take measures against crime. If the government issues implementing decrees and directives that are at odds with legislation or presidential decrees, the president may rescind them.

Besides the ministries, the executive branch includes eleven state committees and 46 state services and agencies, ranging from the State Space Agency to the State Committee for Statistics. There are also myriad agencies, boards, centers, councils, commissions, and committees. The president’s personal staff is reported to number about 2,000.

The President’s staff formulates the federal budget, submits it to the Upper House, and issues a report on its implementation. In late 1994, the Upper House successfully demanded that the Government begin submitting quarterly reports on budget expenditures and adhere to other guidelines on budgetary matters, although the Legislature's budgetary powers are limited. If the Legislature rejects a draft budget from the Government, the budget is submitted to a conciliation commission including members from both branches.

The president retains the power to appoint and remove presidential representatives, who act as direct emissaries to the jurisdictions in overseeing local administrations' implementation of presidential policies. This ensures the majority of local voters will turn out and support the President.  

Judicial Authority

The judiciary functions as a tool of the executive . While occurrences of petty crime or minor civil matters like divorces are generally handled in a competent and fair manner, political or economically important matters are decided almost uniformly in favor of the ruling elite often in direct opposition to the interests of other elites to retain the appearance of an independent judiciary system on the political and economic world stage. 

The Supreme Court is the highest judicial authority. District courts are the primary criminal trial courts, and regional courts act as primary appellate courts. The judiciary is appointed by the president and governed by the Donovian Congress of Judges and its Council of Judges. Its management is aided by the Judicial Department of the Supreme Court, the Ministry of Justice, and the various courts' chairpersons. There are many officers of the court, including jurors, but the Prosecutor General remains the most powerful component of the Donovian judicial system.

Court infrastructure and the financial support of judges is provided by the Ministry of Justice; however, they must depend on local authorities in the jurisdiction they oversee for housing. The average salary for a judge is $1,000 per month, an amount that provides an opening for acts of corruption and bribery. These circumstances, combined with irregularities in the appointment process and the continued strong position of the UDP, deprives judges in the lower jurisdictions of independent authority. Numerous matters, which would be dealt with by administrative authority in European countries, remain subject to political influence in Western Donovia.

The Legislature passed a Criminal Procedure Code and other judicial reforms during its 2014 session such as reintroducing jury trials in certain criminal cases and creating a more adversarial system of criminal trials that protect the rights of defendants more adequately. These reforms help make the judicial system more compatible with its Western counterparts and are seen by most as an accomplishment in human rights. The introduction of the new Criminal Procedure Code led to significant reductions in time spent in detention for new detainees, and the number of suspects placed in pretrial detention declined by 30%.

National Court System

Constitutional Court

Judges of the Constitutional Court of Donovia are appointed by the Federation Council of the Federal Assembly of Donovia  by  proposal from the President of Donovia. Judges of federal courts are appointed by the President of the Donovian Federation. Judges of constitutional (charter) courts and justices of the peace of constituent entities are appointed in accordance with the legislation of the respective constituent entities. The main task of the Constitutional Court is to resolve cases regarding the constitutionality of normative legal acts.

 Supreme Court

The Supreme Court is the highest judicial authority. The Supreme Court of the  Donovian Federation heads the system of courts of general jurisdiction and the system of commercial courts. As the top judicial body, the Supreme Court is the only court that can consider cases as a court of first instance, court of appeal, court of cassation and as a supervisory instance. The Supreme Court exercises control over the activities of lower courts and provides them with clarifications on issues of judicial practice in order to ensure uniform application of legislation throughout the country.

District Courts

District courts are the courts of general jurisdiction. They handle most civil, criminal and administrative cases.

Court of Appeals

Regional courts are the primary appellate courts. Only a limited category of cases involving the most serious crimes falls directly under the original jurisdiction of these courts.

Commercial Courts

These courts administer justice in the sphere of entrepreneurial and other economic activities. The system of commercial courts is composed of three elements: commercial courts of constituent entities of Donovia, appellate commercial courts, and commercial courts of circuits.

There is a specialized court – the Intellectual Property Rights Court – within the system of commercial courts.

Parallel Legal Systems

Civil Law

The Donovian system of laws is called Civil Law. The Civil Law in Donovia is based on a civil code that derives from Roman law. The Donovian Civil Code is comprised of four parts: the first part contains general rules and definitions, the second part provisions the types of obligations, the succession law is the third part of Donovian Civil Law, and the fourth part comprises regulations about intellectual property.

Governance Issues 

Legitimacy

Government legitimacy claims

Donovia claims to be the legitimate evolution of the UFSR, indeed, it sees no interruption of what was and what is. The focus of all of its domestic and foreign messaging is Donovian greatness as seen through the prism of the UFSR Its position on the UN Security Council supports the narrative of a power player on the international scene. Donovia finds niche areas in the world to play a role in international relations. It cannot compete directly with Olvana and the US in economic terms, but it finds ways to provide arms and military training in many areas of the world ignored or lightly serviced by more prosperous countries. In these ways, Donovia makes its claim of being relevant to a population hungry for a nostalgic return to the days reminiscent of the UFSR.

Public Recognition of Legitimacy

Donovian citizens are proud of their heritage and look nostalgically to a time when the UFSR was a contending superpower. Despite poor service delivery and restrictions on freedoms, many actively support a return to what looked like the better days of the past. The authoritarian nature of their government causes others to seek better governance. Protests that threaten the legitimacy of the government are quickly quashed. Political opponents of the government face arrest, torture, and threats. 

Participation

Donovian average turn out for elections is about 65%. Elections, however, are tightly controlled for effect. The multiparty system is carefully managed, which tolerates only superficial competition against the dominant political party. Legislation enacted in 2012 liberalized party registration rules, allowing the creation of hundreds of new parties. However, none posed a significant threat to the authorities, and many seemed designed to encourage division and confusion among the opposition. The Justice Ministry has repeatedly refused to register political parties that have the potential to be a serious threat.

Protests

The government restricts freedom of assembly. Overwhelming police response, excessive use of force, routine arrests, harsh fines and prison sentences discourage unsanctioned protests, while pro-government groups are able to demonstrate freely. Despite all these risks, thousands of people have turned out for and participated in antigovernment demonstrations in recent years.

Obtaining permission to hold a protest or rally by groups opposing the government is extremely difficult. At the regional level, extensive territorial restrictions prohibit assemblies in as much as 70 percent of public space. While some of these restrictions have been invalidated over the years, authorities can ban rallies based on “public interest.” 

Efforts to Maintain Legitimacy

The Donovian government holds elections and presents an outward veneer of democracy. In reality, the levers of government are primarily controlled by the president and a small group of elites who directly benefit from policies that work in their favor and keep them in power. The government projects blame for domestic ills on international sanctions and external meddling in  Donovian  affairs. In this way, they attempt to further the narrative of historical greatness and point to a future of the same. 

External View of legitimacy

Donovia’s primary foreign policy focus is to regain undisputed recognition as the heir and equal of the former glory of the UFSR, a status to which Donovia feels entitled. The United Nations (UN) is Donovia’s most important venue for displaying global aspirations and achievements. Donovia’s status as a permanent member of the UN Security Council boosts their claim to be part of a global oligarchy, granting veto power to deny or undermine initiatives deemed contrary to Donovian  interests. 

Internationally, most other countries view the Donovian government as effective, though historically high levels of corruption reduces the legitimacy of the current regime. Increasing use of social media and other information-age technologies continue to challenge the Donovian state’s near-monopoly on information control with the more blatant abuses of power, corruption and self-dealing by the economic/political elite in sometimes leaking out to the country as a whole. The government’s usual response is to stifle such outbursts by arresting the whistle blower, creating counteraccusations, and on occasion indicting a scapegoat for corruption.    The Donovian government intends for these indictments to prove that the state is actively “doing something” to stop corruption. Arresting the whistle blower on charges of espionage is an especially prevalent tactic when it involves the military or intelligence services.

Effectiveness

Elections  

Donovian elections generally, allow voters to select between two or more UDP-approved candidates, even if no candidate runs under the UDP banner. The UDP and the government will only allow politicians to run if they support the UDP, or in most cases, UDP loyalists who make a show of defecting to an opposition political party. Polling places in western Donovia are restricted to police stations under the guise of “security”. This is especially true in Kaliningrad. Federal law requires at least 50% of eligible voters participate in order for a presidential election to be valid.

Rule of Law

The concept of “rule of law” in a Western liberal context is alien to Donovia. The power of the State, combined with its highly incestuous relationship with dominant economic entities, means the likelihood of an individual receiving a fair hearing from an impartial judiciary or independent media forum remains nearly zero. The judiciary is seen by the Donovian populace as widely compliant with political demands, even in the case of high-profile issues. Once charged, the defendant pleads guilty, or the court finds in favor of the government’s case with little chance of meaningful appeal by the defendant.

Domestic Security Forces

Donovia has an extensive internal security system, with multiple, overlapping, and competitive security agencies vying for bureaucratic, political, and economic influence. These agencies have grown in both size and power, and they have become integral to the security and stability of the government. 

Donovian Border Guard (DBG)

DBG forces consist of a professional cadre of officers and NCOs supplemented by conscripts and civilian auxiliaries. In wartime, the SHC/military may assign border guard forces to a newly gained territory or to conduct actions against the enemy. The DBG are essentially a paramilitary force trained in counterterrorism and border security.

Donovian Coast Guard (DCG)

The DCG is a component of the Donovian Border Guard (DBG). According to open-source reporting, the DCG operates around 300 vessels stationed in diverse operating areas, including the Baltic Sea, Arctic Ocean, Black Sea, Amur River, Caspian Sea, and the Pacific Coast. There are currently only a small number of DCG vessels operating in the Arctic despite the opening of the Northern Sea Route (NSR) due to a combination of poor planning and lack of funds with which to construct new vessels.

In 2016, DCG took over maritime law enforcement on the NSR from the Fisheries Agency, Transport Control Agency, Ministry of Emergency Situations (EMERCOM), and local courts.

In December 2016, the new high endurance cutter POLYARNAYA ZVEZDA (POLAR STAR) was commissioned. It is the first Donovian vessel in 27 years built specifically for DCG missions. After successful tests in the Baltic in early 2017, the ship arrived at its homeport in Murmansk and now uses its ice-strengthened hull to carry out patrols along the NSR. Keels for two additional ships were laid in June 2015 and April 2017.

Donovian Ministry Of Interior

Internal Security Brigades

Internal Security Brigades are subordinate to the State Security Directorate and are tasked with keeping the peace within Donovia’s borders, often working directly with the General Police Directorate, and providing security and assistance during catastrophic events. In peacetime, an internal security brigade is directly subordinate to each military district. These brigades are not permanently assigned, but rather rotate in and out of the military district structure as needed. Internal Security Brigades organize themselves along military lines and generally equip their personnel with light weapons though they may use heavy weapons and operate from armored vehicles if necessary. They coordinate with other internal security forces and may also combine with other Donovian armed forces to conduct certain operations.

The Donovian government also maintains control of internal security forces to deal with various internal threats to the regime. In peacetime, the Chief of Internal Security heads the force within the MOI. Most members of the internal security forces wear uniforms and use military ranks and insignia similar to those of the Donovian military forces. Donovian military districts field an internal security brigade, which consists of approximately 7,721 personnel. This number includes between three and four internal security battalions and intelligence assets.

Operational-level command of the Donovian Armed Forces may include one or more internal security brigades to augment its military capability. This type of brigade not only increases military combat power, but also offers an effective and experienced force to control the local population when necessary. Security battalions, companies, and platoons operate similarly to equivalent regular army units.

State Security Directorate 

The State Security Directorate maintains Special Purpose Force (SPF) units as a strategic reserve for emergency use in any part of the country or even outside the country’s borders. The commando-type SPF forces can conduct covert missions in support of other internal security forces or regular military forces. SPF activities may include the formation and training of insurgent forces in neighboring countries. In wartime, the SHC  may use them to secure occupied territory or to operate as combat troops in conjunction with other services of the armed forces.

Prison System

Donovia is among the countries with the highest number of prisoners. Hundreds of thousands of inmates are supervised by an elaborate apparatus of the Federal Penitentiary Service (FPS). This extended system is used as a tool for exercising control over society and solidifying the system of power. Political trials are among the basic tools the government uses to tackle political opposition and an instrument used in rivalry among competing groups within the elite.

At present, over 467,000 individuals are incarcerated in Donovia’s prisons. In terms of the number of prisoners per 100,000 inhabitants, Donovia is ranked first in Europe and 17th globally. Despite this, the current number of inmates is among the lowest in the country’s history and has been gradually declining over recent years. Back in 2008, the number of prisoners in Donovia was almost double at 893,000.

The decrease in the number of inmates is linked to the courts pronouncing prison sentences for minor crimes less frequently and applying other penalties (such as non-custodial sentences or community service).  Demographic changes such as depopulation and an ageing population are also a factor. Other factors include the closing of a significant number of penal colonies however, prison overcrowding decreased only marginally and there has been no evident improvement in prison conditions. The recidivism ratio also remains very high: around 63% of inmates is reoffenders.

The repressive nature of the judiciary as a whole generated the exorbitantly   high number of prisoners in Donovia.  Most recent amendments to the penal code have toughened penalties. Figures compiled by 2015 show that acquittals accounted for a mere 0.4% of court rulings.

Inmates in the Donovian penitentiary system are housed in barracks in penal colonies rather than individual cells in prison buildings, as is common in western prisons. In total, there are 869 such colonies scattered across Donovia, eight prisons and 315 remand centers. The geographical location of penal colonies is linked to the economic interests during the UFSR-era, when the state used prisoners as a ready labor force on the construction of large-scale infrastructure projects, such as the White Sea–Baltic Canal and the Baikal–Amur Mainline (BAM). Even today, the largest penal colonies are located in regions rich in natural resources (mainly forests), such as Krasnoyarsk Krai and Perm Krai, or in highly industrialized areas, such as Sverdlovsk Oblast, Kemerovo Oblast and Primorsky Krai. 

Prison Conditions

 There are four types of penal colonies, prison conditions depending on the specific type of sentence. In the least strict penal colonies, so-called colony-settlements, inmates can freely move around the facility, are housed in large barracks, are permitted to leave the colony on a pass to meet with relatives and even wear civilian clothing. In ordinary regime penal colonies, supervision is much stricter, inmates are housed in large barracks holding up to 150 beds, are under constant supervision and are not permitted to move freely about the facility. In strict regime and special regime penal colonies, inmates face even tighter restrictions and are housed in locked cells  with 20-50 other prisoners. Due to overcrowding, in most colonies the required standard of two square meters of space per inmate, stipulated in Donovial law, is not usually met. It should be noted that this standard is 50% of the space allotted in the European Convention on Human Rights which Donovia  has ratified. Another important factor impacting prison conditions is the policy of the local officials and of the governor of the specific prison.

 Prison conditions are also impacted by the poor state of infrastructure. Most facilities were built before 1970 with a large portion dating back even further. In most prisons, the state of disrepair and overcrowding make it difficult for inmates to maintain basic hygiene leading to regular epidemic outbreaks. For years, Donovian prisons have observed a high rate of AIDs and tuberculosis amongst prisoners.  

Corruption

Donovia is rated 131 of 176 countries in the corruption perception index. Corruption exists across all levels of politics in Donovia, and is particularly evident in western Donovia. From the most junior policeman to the highest public officials, self-enrichment is considered a hallmark of public life and public service. The relationship between the largest businesses in western Donovia and the UDP are extensive.  During elections season, resources from both state and private business are directed toward ensuring the political success of the UDP.

Extortion and corruption are common in the Donovian business environment. The economic crisis was precipitated by decades   of Donovia’s systemic corruption. Resolution techniques for business disputes often include the threat of violence. Social clubs are often a cover for corrupt activity. Organized criminal groups and, in some cases local police, frequently extort foreign businesses. This practice places smaller businesses in a precarious situation, they can either risk their livelihoods or acquiesce and feed into the corruption.

The Pan-Donovian Law Enforcement Brotherhood describes itself as a champion of charitable causes in order to cement partnerships between police organizations and their respective local communities. In reality, it is a nation-wide network that aims to set the conditions for continued extortion of the population by security officials. The National Inter-Business Cooperative  is another organization which, on the surface, appears to be a Donovian version of the Chamber of Commerce. In reality, its members are steeped in government-corporate corruption (typically involving bribes to avoid taxes), extortion, and almost universal corporate espionage.

Human Rights and Freedoms

Although the Constitution provides for freedom of speech and other freedoms, vague laws on extremism grant authorities the discretion to crack down on any speech, organization, or activity that lacks official support. Attacks, arrests, office raids, and threats against journalists are common. Freedom of religion is upheld unevenly. A 1997 law on religion gives the state extensive control and makes it difficult for new or independent groups to operate. The Donovian Orthodox Christian Church (DOCC) has a privileged position, working closely with the government on foreign and domestic policy priorities. Antiterror legislation approved in 2016 grants authorities the power to repress religious groups deemed extremist by liberally interpreted guidelines.

Provision of Services

Donovians display a remarkable amount of cynicism about their own social services and for very good reason. If the government can exceed very low expectations, then this may be enough to allow for regime stability. But Donovians have faced more than a decade of stagnation raising the very real question of how much longer leadership can fail to improve living conditions for millions of Donovians. Expectations during the UFSR communist period were low but promises made by the government and greater access to information about the wider world have created elevated hopes for better lives. The primary hindrance is the authoritarian nature of the national government, whose tight hold minimizes the kinds of innovation and entrepreneurialism critical to expanding the economy and more efficiently and abundantly providing services.

Centers of Political Power 

State Institutional Authority 

Military

Donovia maintains a strong military. Donovian doctrine and tactics are complex, supple, and competent, making it a capable opponent. The country’s military capability ranges from irregular forces to nuclear weapons and anti-space capability. This strong military, combined with its assertive political agenda, make Donovia a strong player in the region.

Religion

The Donovian Orthodox Christian Church (DOCC) is prominent throughout  Donovia and holds a high degree of influence within the population. In addition to institutions within Donovia,  they also support Donovians abroad through churches in the Baltic States and Gulf of Bothnia Cooperation Council (GBCC) countries. Over the past two decades, UDP leadership has worked extensively to integrate the DOCC into a patriotic narrative, shaping the social fabric of the country. As a result, Church leaders are highly visible at all state sponsored and state sanctioned public events, especially patriotic parades and rallies, government policy announcements, and international gatherings.

There is broad political support for a wide range of Donovian Orthodox Christian organizations designed to promote nationalism, such as youth leagues and educational clubs that support the use of the Donovian language over regionalized minority languages. The UDP often uses these organizations to support their political goals and to broadcast   political messages that merging UDP and Donovian state agendas. UDP party personnel often hold positions with many of these organizations, who are funded by the state, UDP, or private individuals, despite their status as single-issue or advocacy organizations. The DOCC may also receive funding from transnational organized crime groups, but there is currently no confirmation of this from international law enforcement.

Oligarchs

Wealthy elites control many levels of government, either by directly holding positions within the government or influencing those holding government positions. The president uses these individuals to maintain control of the government. Over the years the president has had a few of the oligarchs arrested on charges of corruption but has to move delicately and with political precision to manage the elites for his own self-interest.

Non-State Institutional Authority

Outside of the UDP, the most influential domestic political groups include the National Veterans Association (NVA), the Environmental Donovia Association, and Human Rights of Donovia Campaign. All of these organizations lobby the legislature and attempt to raise public awareness for their projects. The Donovian government often uses the NVA to “test the waters” for potential changes in foreign policy and military affairs, as the NVA maintains significant links to the active Donovian military.

There is broad political support for a wide range of Donovian Arab nationalist organizations, such as youth leagues, language clubs that support Donovian language education, and the like. The UDP often uses these organizations to support their political goals and broadcast their overall political message merging UDP and Donovian state agendas. UDP personnel often hold positions in many of these organizations, which are funded by state or UDP money despite their status as single-issue or advocacy organizations.

Informal Authority (Social Groups)

Ethnolinguistic Groups

Donovia is a multinational state, with more than 193 ethnic groups within its borders. Ethnic Donovians constitute 80.9% of the total population, while the remaining 19% of the population are minorities.   Tatars, Ukrainians, Bashkirs, Chuvash and Chechens comprise approximately 8.4% while 10.6% of the population are diverse Indo-European, Turkic and Finno-Ugric peoples.

Kinship Groups

The important role of family has acted as a buffer against much of the societal upheaval that has occurred in Donovia. Systemic discrimination and persecution within Donovia have caused minority groups to rely heavily on their immediate and extended families for social and economic support. The loss of national trust and ensuing economic crisis caused by rampant corruption at the highest levels of government led many Donovians, especially the Orthodox community, to prioritize trusted family relationships at the expense of societal relationships.

Donovian society has traditionally been organized in a patriarchal manner. While rural and ethnically homogenous communities still maintain traditional family and social roles, the continued rise in urbanization has begun to evolve how younger generations view authority. 

Non-State Sponsored Religious Groups

Donovia is a secular state by constitution and has the world's largest Orthodox Christian population.  Nearly 80 % of the Donovian population adhere to the teachings of the Donovian Orthodox Church. Other branches of Christianity present in Donovia include Baptist, Pentecostal, Lutheran and other Protestant churches. Judaism, Buddhism, Hinduism also has a minor presence. 

In 2017, a survey by the Pew Research Center showed that 73% of Russians declared themselves Christians—including 71% Orthodox, 1% Catholic, and 2% Other Christians, while 15% were unaffiliated, 10% were Muslims, and 1% were from other religions. According to various reports, the proportion of atheists in Russia is between 16% and 48% of the population.

Politics and Political Parties

Domestic Political Issues

Corruption

Corruption is the prime domestic political issue in Donovia, though the authorities go to considerable lengths to ensure their complicity remains hidden from the public. The structure of the Donovian state enables a small group of individuals to use inordinate power to “root out corruption” despite their actual role in the corruption. The electoral process serves to reinforce the power of the elite, and the state maintains its power over citizens with the citizen having little recourse. Participation by ethnic or religious minorities is minimal, with a few showpiece individuals who operate as little more than ethnic functionaries.

Centralized Control

Donovia retains much of its UFSR-era authoritarian inclinations. In the early days of the fall of the UFSR, many members of the old regime remained in power, giving a nod to new political calls for increased transparency and democratic practices, while retaining the inner apparatus for authoritarian control. A full transition to democracy has never happened. Oligarchs and deeply embedded political leaders have maneuvered to ensure political and economic power remains in the hands of allies and friends.   Recognition of these practices by civil society and political opposition leaders is a focal point of protests, media campaigns, coopted international pressure, and public dissent. The government is careful to choose its battles, so limited opposition is permitted, however, clashes are frequent. Political miscalculations and overreach by overly aggressive security forces cause incidents  leading to arrests, disappearances, torture, physical harm to protestors, and imprisonment of those deemed threats to the government in some cases.

Sanctions

Despite an abundance of natural resources, international sanctions are causing economic challenges for Donovia. Since 2014, Donovian economic growth has significantly trailed the annual global growth rate. Sanctions have slashed foreign credits and foreign direct investment. The Donovian economy is not likely to grow significantly again until the West eases these sanctions. 

Official Political Parties

Donovia strives to portray itself as an open democracy that embraces multiple views and political perspectives. While the Donovian political system has the hallmarks of a democracy, it is highly susceptible to external persuasion and corruption from both social and economic influencers. There are five official political parties, however there is only one opposition party,the New Donovia Party. The other three parties, the Donovian League, Freedom and Justice, and the Scarlet Party claim political independence, but it is nominal at best as d their actions fall in line with the desires of the majority Unionist Democratic Party (UDP).

Unionist Democratic Party (UDP) 

The Unionist Democratic Party (UDP) serves as the country’s primary political party.The Donovian League, Freedom and Justice, and the Scarlet Party are nominally independent, but  are actually outgrowths of the UDP’s attempt to portray Donovia as a Western-style democracy. All three parties compete against each other at a superficial level and hold a small number of elected positions at the national legislative level, with members often appointed to positions in several republics. These three parties, however, remain window dressing for the UDP, which they actually support. The New Donovia Party (NDP) is the only true opposition party, but its political power is highly truncated by the actions of the UDP.

As a means of maintaining political control, the UDP has taken steps to neutralize political opposition through the expansion of laws that impose harsh sentences, aim ed at discouraging public protests and encouraging self-censorship. They have also restructured internal security forces to ensure a more loyal and responsive apparatus. Donovia’s domestic security forces perform a broad range of functions that are not subordinate to the military.

The Donovian League (DL) 

The Donovian League participates in the government and competes against the Freedom and Justice Party and the Scarlet Party for minor positions. The DL frequently holds a small number of elected positions at the national legislative level, with members often appointed to positions in several republics.

The Freedom and Justice Party (FJP) 

The Freedom and Justice Party (FJP) participates in the government and competes against the Donovian League and the Scarlet Party for minor positions. The FJP frequently holds a small number of elected positions at the national legislative level, with members often appointed to positions in several republics.

The Scarlet Party (SP)

The Scarlet Party (SP) participates in the government and competes against the Donovian League and the Freedom and Justice Party for minor positions. The SP frequently holds a small number of elected positions at the national legislative level, with members often appointed to positions in several republics.

The New Donovia Party (NDP) 

The New Donovia Party (NDP) is the only true opposition party, but its political power is highly truncated by the influence and actions of the UDP. Efforts by the NDP to gain broader support are often suppressed by the government and the UDP alike, with leadership and organizers under extra scrutiny, often targeted by law enforcement agencies.