Political: Amari
This page is a section of Amari.
Amari gained independence from a western European colonial power fifty years ago; a time when colonial powers were divesting themselves of their African colonies. The colonial power left the indigenous elites who took power in Amari, but left few governmental tools, except those of a colonial regime. As a result, these elites created a neo-colonial government that put the interests of the elite ahead of the interests of the larger population. This led to a repressive and authoritarian government throughout the first twenty-three years of Amari’s independence.
Twenty-seven years ago, Amari began instituting democratic reforms. The introduction and legalization of multi-party elections initially resulted in violence. Elections ten years ago erupted into widespread violence across the country, making international news and bringing international condemnation. A new constitution, approved seven years ago, sought to create a better balance of power, pulling some power away from the president and creating greater oversight authority in the legislature and the judiciary. The two post-constitution elections, six years and one year ago respectively, were significant improvements over past elections. However, they still included limited violence and charges of corruption.
Amari continues to be a functioning and relatively stable democracy, receiving significant support from the US and other western countries. The government consists of an executive branch with a strong president, a bicameral legislature, and a judiciary with an associated hierarchy of courts. Amari is making significant progress in areas of good governance, but still struggles with institutional corruption. The new constitution has attempted to create a framework for better governance with good results. Ethnic and tribal tensions still influence multi-party politics, contributing to the history of electoral violence and distrust of the government. Other concerns include border security, instability spillover from neighboring countries, regional competition for resources, and terrorism.
Contents
Centers of Political Power
Amari’s new constitution, implemented seven years ago, created more accountability across the three branches of government. One of the major achievements of the constitution is the provision for public participation as an essential national value and principle of governance. Amari is still grappling with the implementation of those values. Political parties rarely exist past one general election; they tend to fragment immediately as their leaders move on to form new parties. Generally, political parties are not yet fully institutionalized; they are campaign vehicles for general elections. They lack an ideological orientation and are shaped largely by their founders and leaders.
The former constitution gave the president power to summon, terminate, and dissolve Parliament. Each session of Parliament was held at a place and time determined by the president. This provision undermined the autonomy of the legislature. The new constitution made sweeping changes to ensure the autonomy of Parliament. Despite being dominated by the executive for much of its post-colonial history, Parliament has effectively increased its autonomy and is making strides towards fulfilling its oversight role.
The president exercises power as the head of the executive branch. Ethnic politics translates into multi-party politics, which in turn is exploited by elites who enjoy patronage privileges if their candidate wins the presidency. The president has wide discretion in handing out government positions in the cabinet ministries and other areas of the bureaucracy. These positions tend to be given out on an ethnic basis, or as a reward for support during a campaign. This patronage capacity gives the executive branch an outsized incentive for support, positioning the president as a center for political power.
Military Authority
The Amari constitution designates the president as the Commander-in-Chief of the Amari military and chairperson of the National Security Council. The President appoints a chief of the military general staff, who acts as the principal military adviser to the President and the National Security Council.
Family Authority
Families in Amari are culturally and economically important. Family bonds are particularly strong in rural areas, where the agricultural economy makes immediate and extended family members important to survival and well-being. In the rural areas, extended families live together: elderly members of the family have a place of authority and respect within the home and the community. Elderly members of the family are also a means of transferring values and cultural order to future generations.
The close proximity of rural families to each other has eroded to some degree in urban areas. Urban families do not always have the advantage of physical proximity with extended family members. Smaller available housing units and families separated from one another reduced the influence of older family members in urban areas.
Families are members of clans and tribes, which adds extended means of support and organizational structure. Tribal affiliation can be either patriarchal or matriarchal. Tribal membership is shaped through traditions, rites, and social standing within the larger tribal population. The standing of a particular family within a tribe is determined by wealth, size, historical events, and other cultural variables.
Religious/Clerical Authority
The majority of Amari’s citizens are Christians, with minority Muslim and traditional religion populations. Christian and Muslim clerics are influential within their specific spheres. Due to deep historical roots, Christianity’s influence permeates the culture of Amari and influences policy and other decisions within the government.
The Amari constitution allows for special Islamic courts, known as Kadhi Courts, where Sharia law can be used to determine certain civil questions. Kadhis are limited to Muslim regions and only adjudicate laws relating to personal status, marriage, divorce, or inheritance. This additional authority gives Muslim religious leaders added authority and influence within the Muslim population.
Other religions, such as traditional African religions, exercise localized influence over their particular communities.
Attitudes Toward the US
The United States established diplomatic relations with Amari following its independence five decades ago. The United States and Amari have enjoyed cordial relations and an enduring strategic partnership since that time. Relations between the two countries became closer after Amari made multiple political parties legal and introduced other democratic reforms and improvements in civil liberties twenty-seven years ago. In the wake of widespread violence following a disputed presidential election ten years ago, the United States supported the sweeping political and institutional constitutional reforms adopted by the coalition government. The United States viewed Amari’s successful constitutional referendum seven years ago as a monumental success. Though the two post-constitution elections have not been violence-free, they are viewed as relatively successful by the United States.
Corruption and insecurity are the two greatest impediments to Amari achieving sustained, and rapid economic growth. The United States urges the Amari government to take effective action against these issues. In addition, conflict and instability in neighboring Nyumba poses serious security and humanitarian challenges for Amari and the region. The United States provides equipment and training to Amarian security forces, both civilian and military, to help address this problem.
As an important developing country partner in east Africa, Amari is a significant recipient of U.S. foreign assistance. In accordance with Africa Emergent Support Initiative, the U.S. assistance policy is built around four strategic objectives: (1) strengthen democratic institutions; (2) spur economic growth, trade and investment; (3) advance peace and security; and (4) promote opportunity and development.
Overall, 70% of Amarians have favorable attitudes toward the U.S. When asked whether they think of the U.S. as a partner to their country, an enemy, or neither, clear majorities view the U.S. as a partner. People under age 30 are especially likely to have a positive view of America. Across the Amari population, citizens embraces key elements of American soft power and economic aid. American ways of doing business are viewed as worthy of emulation.
The popularity of America in Amari does not mean that there is not pushback on policies that are viewed as antithetical to Amari’s best interests. Amari’s leaders can no longer force their policies through rubber stamp legislatures: policymaking now involves a tense consensus building among civil society, the media, and elected representatives. Politicians face much more opposition from groups who see excessive American influence as a threat to the country’s independence. Protests, editorials, and other means of dissent has lessened American popularity in Amari.
Attitude Toward US Trade
Amari is eligible for preferential trade benefits under the Develop Africa Act. U.S. exports to Amari include agricultural products, aircraft, and machinery. U.S. imports from Amari include coffee and tea. U.S. business investment in Amari concentrates on commerce, light manufacturing, and the tourism industry. Amari is a member of The United States has signed trade and investment framework agreements with the East African Community and with the Common Market for Eastern and Southern Africa, organizations Amari belongs to.
Type of Government
The Amari government is a presidential republic with legislative, executive, and judicial branches. Each of the branches ensures the accountability of the other branches with constitutional checks and balances. A new constitution, approved seven years ago, authorized greater powers for the judiciary and implemented other legal reforms to improve governance.
Branches of Government
Legislative Authority
The legislature is a bicameral parliament consisting of the Senate (67 seats; 47 members directly elected in single-seat constituencies by simple majority vote and 20 directly elected by proportional representation vote - 16 women, 2 representing youth, and 2 representing the disabled; members serve 5-year terms with no term limits) and the National Assembly (349 seats; 290 members directly elected in single-seat constituencies by simple majority vote, 47 women in single-seat constituencies elected by simple majority vote, and 12 members nominated by the National Assembly - 6 representing youth and 6 representing the disabled; members serve 5-year terms with no term limits. According to the new constitution, the legislature advocates for the peoples’ interests
The specific responsibilities of the Senate are:
- debate and approve bills;
- create the national budget;
- represent the interests of the counties at the national level;
- confirm presidential nomination for members of the Electoral Transparency and Fairness Commission (ETFC)
The specific responsibilities of the National Assembly are:
- represent their constituents and all the special interests within their respective constituencies;
- create and pass legislation for the national government;
- approve or disapprove the budget presented by the Senate;
- check the conduct of the executive and other state officers and if necessary initiate the process of removal of the president and deputy president;
- exercise oversight over government offices;
- approve states of emergency and declarations of war.
Executive Authority
Second only in authority to the Supreme Leader, the president controls the Arianian national government’s operations. He also wields power, through leadership and patronage of the ministries, to exercise control down to the provincial and county level. Ahmad Moudin became Ariana’s president in 2003.
Judicial Authority
The Guardian Leadership Council consists of 12 members and serves as the Islamic Republic’s overseer to ensure that the country operates under sharia law. The Supreme Leader appoints six theologians directly to the Guardian Leadership Council, and the legislature approves another six jurists from a list of candidates selected by the Supreme Judicial Council. Since the Supreme Leader controls the Supreme Judicial Council, there is little chance that the Supreme Judicial Council nominees will share a different viewpoint than the six directly chosen by the Supreme Leader. The Arianian constitution establishes two primary responsibilities for the Guardian Leadership Council. As the government’s legal experts, the Council reviews each piece of legislation passed by parliament to ensure compatibility with both the Arianian Constitution and Islamic Law. Under Ariana’s legal system, judicial authority rests with the judge who both investigates and prosecutes crimes, with no trials by jury. When an accused person stands trial for something not expressly forbidden by the legal code, the judge issues a sentence based on his interpretation of Islamic law and custom.
Government Effectiveness and Legitimacy
Internationally, most countries recognize the Islamic Republic of Ariana even though the country established a nuclear program in violation of international non-proliferation treaties. In recent years, “reformists” helped achieve a degree of regional stability by successfully tempering the government’s previous militant message to pursue long-standing national interests. One popular reformist attempted to strengthen Ariana’s relationships with Japan and Western European nations that oppose the Ariana-Libya Sanctions Act, a US law that essentially provides significant penalties to companies and governments which make significant investments in Ariana’s energy sector. These US sanctions successfully impact Ariana’s petroleum-based economy as they prevent large-scale improvements and technological advancements.
Domestic Political Issues
Elections
Arianian elections increasingly are popularity contests between candidates vetted and approved by religious authorities. Rising discontent with these sham elections has resulted in wide-scale demonstrations, but their effect to date on the stability of the Arianian regime has been negligible. The Revolution remains generally popular in more rural areas, and elections there are seen as reflective of the popular will, compared with discontent caused by elections in urban areas. Parliamentary elections occur every four years, with Presidential elections every six years. There are no term limits for any elected office.
Rule of Law
Rule of law is based on the Arianian government’s significant power and utter ruthlessness in squashing threats to its rule or what it deems as anti-social behavior. The government uses law enforcement forces, military personnel, and private citizens to monitor the actions of all Arianians. Courts are generally functionaries of the executive, rather than independent.
Corruption
Corruption is becoming a serious problem, with most Arianians turning to corrupt practices, especially in urban areas, to get access to government services. The regime sanctions also create an atmosphere of corruption, as military officers import hard-to-obtain items and resell them at inflated prices. The military uses its power to either muscle its way into most lucrative business deals, take over directly, or inject itself as a silent partner.
International Relationships
Regional Actors
Ariana desires not only to export the Council of Guardians Revolution to its neighbors, but to place itself in a position of regional dominance as well. Ariana remains friendly to any neighboring countries—other than Atropia—that are willing to negotiate or trade in the Caucasus region. Ariana and Donovia enjoy positive, though unofficial, political and economic relations despite the fact that Donovia is Ariana’s main competitor for the role of regional strongman. The country has a mutually beneficial political and economic relationship with Limaria, in which Ariana uses its smaller neighbor as a way to import and export goods internationally and Limaria gains access to much- needed hydrocarbon resources.
The large Atropian population in northern Ariana and the minority’s predilection for a schism from the central government in Tehran makes Arianians suspicious of the Atropian government and people of Atropian ethnicity. Ariana also wants to gain control of the rich oil reserves in Atropian- controlled Caspian Sea areas since its own oil reserves continue to dwindle. Arianian relations with Atropia are generally antagonistic as a result, and Ariana also remains leery of Kalaria’s regional ambitions and its close relationship with Atropia.
Ariana has not taken an official political position that would support either side over the Lower Janga dispute; the country prefers to publicly state that it is interested in managing the conflict until a compromise is found. However, unofficially it provides small clandestine units to train and equip the Limarian Liberation Front (LLF) to counter Atropian aggression and attempts to retake territory. Ariana loathes the Western-leaning secular posture taken by Atropia and may leverage conflict in the area to export its vision of theocratic governance to Atropia.
Ariana’s nuclear weapons program represents a massive destabilizing influence in regional and international dialogue. This capability is most threatening to Ariana’s neighbors and remains yet another troublesome aspect to Ariana’s foreign policy. Politically, the domestic popularity of the nuclear weapons program, along with the obvious power and prestige it brings to the Ariana government, outweighs the trade sanctions and other political and economic costs.
International Organizations
Ariana has attempted to create an anti-Western, and specifically anti-US, coalition in most international organizations of which it is a member. Additionally, Ariana has attempted to use oil exports as a weapon to coerce or bribe poor, small, or neutral nations to support its anti-US cause. Ariana is a member of most major international organizations. About 30 to 40 smaller non- governmental organizations (NGOs) and international organizations (IOs) operate within Ariana. The major IOs in terms of programs and budget are the World Bank, Asian Development Bank, and International Red Crescent. NGO programs generally are non-political in nature and focus on culture, literacy, and medical programs, especially in rural locations.
International Economic Associations
Because of Ariana’s oil wealth and its somewhat dodgy status on the global stage, the country’s participation in international economic associations is limited to one exception, namely its non-US dollar denominated oil bourse. The oil bourse is an effort to break the US dollar monopoly on oil transactions. While not truly successful, as the majority of the world’s oil transactions are dollar- denominated, the bourse demonstrates Ariana’s continuing efforts to confront the US.
Military Alliances
Ariana maintains no official military alliances, instead relying on foreign manned proxies or political support from nations it supports economically. Ariana also actively denounces other military alliances, especially Atropia’s alliances, which may introduce Western and specifically US forces into proximity with Ariana.
Influential Political Groups
Official Political Parties
There are no political parties in the Western sense in Ariana. The Arianian Clergy determine who stands for election, and the elections themselves mean little and are functional rubber-stamps of the Clergy determination of who shall occupy various seats of government. The Clergy’s stranglehold on government has created much of the popular frustration seen in recent protests against the government from the most liberal elements of Arianian society. The Arianian conservatives’ belief in a system of clerical authority remains ironclad, and they see themselves as defenders of Ayatollah Khodadad’s vision. If necessary, the conservatives would cheerfully remove the democratic institutions that occasionally challenge clerical authority. Conservatives believe they received their mandate from God, and neither popular will nor elected officials should challenge it. The conservatives display ambivalence toward popular opinion, because those who think as they do remain deeply entrenched in the institutions that ensure the conservatives’ continued rule. The leader of Ariana’s Islamic Truth Party noted, “The legitimacy of our Islamic establishment is derived from God. This legitimacy will not wash away even if people stop supporting it.”
Other Domestic Influential Groups
Arianian domestic groups split more often along ethnic and/or religious lines than ideologies. Examples include the predominantly Sunni Baluchis of southern Ariana, the New Dawn of Freedom of Arianian Kurdistan, and the approximately three million ethnic Arabs near the southwest Arianian-Iraqi border. Exceptions include the Arianian Free-Will Movement, the Islamic Republic’s primary opposition to the concept of velayat-e faqih. Because of the Arianian Free-Will Movement’s opposition to the current regime, it cannot register as an official political party and its members cannot run for parliament seats or the presidency.
Summary
Though facing some internal discord, Ariana is firmly committed to the export of its version of Shia Islamic governance. The religious authorities and military are, despite high current levels of urban unrest, firmly in control of the country. Ariana will continue to be diplomatically hostile to both Atropia and the US for the foreseeable future.