Social: Olvana
This page is a section of Olvana.
Olvanese culture spans more than 4,500 years. It was shaped by numerous and varied historical schools of thought: the predominant religion of Hinduism, the Upanishads, Yoga Sutras, the Bhakti movement, and Buddhism. Olvana is notable for its religious diversity, with Hinduism, Buddhism, Sikhism, Islam, Christianity, and Jainism among the nation’s major religions. For much of the country’s history, families could obtain social advancement by high performance in the prestigious imperial examinations, and a culture of merit remains greatly valued in Olvana today. Some observers see the period following the establishment of the PRO as a continuation of traditional Olvanese dynastic history, while others claim that the Communist Party's rule damaged the foundations of Olvanese culture, thanks to political movements that destroyed many aspects of traditional culture. Today, the Olvanese Communist Party (OCP) seeks to change some traditional aspects such as rural land tenure, sexism, and the Confucian system of education, while preserving others, such as the family structure and culture of obedience to the state as being integral to society.
Contents
- 1 Social Statistics for Olvana, Belesia, Gabal, North Torbia, and South Torbia
- 2 Population Movement (Migration/IDPs/Refugees)
- 3 Population Distribution
- 4 Demographic Mix
- 5 Social Volatility
- 6 Education Level
- 7 Ethnic Diversity
- 8 Religious Diversity
- 9 Common Languages
- 10 Criminal Activity
- 11 Human Rights
- 12 Centers of Social Power
- 13 Basic Cultural Norms and Values
- 14 Summary
Social Statistics for Olvana, Belesia, Gabal, North Torbia, and South Torbia
Statistic | Olvana | Belesia | Gabal | North Torbia | South Torbia |
Age distribution (%) | 0-14 years: 16.6
15-64 years: 70.1 65 years and over: 13.3 |
0-14 years: 23.9
15-64 years: 69.4 65 years and over: 6.7 |
0-14 years: 15.2
15-64 years: 71.8 65 years and over: 13 |
0-14 years: 16.1
15-64 years: 67.6 65 years and over: 16.4 |
0-14 years: 18.2
15-64 years: 71.1 65 years and over: 10.6 |
Median age |
Total: 37.4
Male: 36.5 Female: 38.4 |
Total: 28.5
Male: 26.9 Female: 30.3 |
Total: 38.7
Male: 35.5 Female: 41.9 |
Total: 38.8
Male: 36.3 Female: 41.3 |
Total: 31.9
Male: 29.1 Female: 34.7 |
Population
Growth rate (Rank) |
1,123,348,142
0.59% (159) |
8,372,373
0.846% (129) |
82,008,765
-0.47% (223) |
4,585,874
-0.326% (217) |
2,967,975
0.063% (188) |
Birth rate
per 1,000 (Rank) |
16.5
(112) |
17.62
(117) |
11.05
(174) |
10.66
(181) |
12.65
(161) |
Death rate
per 1,000 (Rank) |
16.2
(142) |
8.30
(101) |
16.04
(5) |
9.65
(68) |
8.39
(97) |
Net
Migration rate per 1,000 (Rank) |
-1.3
(88) |
-1.69
(129) |
0.29
(68) |
-4.26
(157) |
-4.56
(159) |
Urban
population Annual urbanization rate |
87.0%
0.7% |
52%
1.0% |
67%
-0.2% |
53%
-0.6% |
64%
-0.3% |
Infant
mortality rate (Rank) |
12.2
(102) |
54.6
(46) |
10.08
(147) |
16.22
(121) |
20.21
(104) |
Life
expectancy at birth in years (Rank) |
Total: 72.6
Male: 70.5 Female: 76.0 (97) |
Total: 66.66
Male: 62.53 Female: 71.34 (157) |
Total: 66.29
Male: 59.8 Female: 73.17 (162) |
Total: 76.72
Male: 73.41 Female: 80.45 (62) |
Total: 72.68
Male: 69.06 Female: 76.81 (118) |
Fertility
rate (Children per woman) (Rank) |
1.6
(164) |
2.03
(127) |
1.42
(197) |
1.44
(190) |
1.36
(201) |
Major diseases in the OE |
|
0 Diarrheal diseases
0 Hepatitis A 0 Hepatitis E 0 Typhoid 0 Cholera 0 Malaria 0 Crimean-Congo 0 Hemorrhagic fever 0 Gonorrhea 0 Chlamydia 0 Tuberculosis 0 Leptospirosis 0 Hantavirus 0 Hemorrhagic fever 0 Anthrax 0 Rabies |
0 Diarrheal diseases
0 Typhoid 0 Hepatitis A 0 Cholera 0 Salmonella 0 Tuberculosis 0 HIV/AIDS 0 Encephalitis 0 H5N1 avian influenza |
0 Diarrheal diseases
0 Typhoid 0 Hepatitis A 0 Malaria 0 West Nile Fever 0 Crimean-Congo 0 Hemorrhagic fever 0 Meningococcal 0 Meningitis 0 Gonorrhea 0 Syphilis 0 Hantaviral fevers 0 Leptospirosis 0 Rabies |
0 Diarrheal diseases
0 Typhoid 0 Hepatitis A 0 West Nile fever 0 Crimean-Congo 0 Hemorrhagic fever 0 Meningococcal 0 Meningitis 0 Tuberculosis |
Ethnic groups (%) | Pelee: 91.5
Beihai: 1.6 Baiyin: 1.0 Dong: 0.8 Yi: 0.7 Gannan: 0.5 Other: 3.9 |
Atropian: 90.6
Gilani: 2.2 Arianian: 3.0 Donovian: 1.8 Limarian: 1.5 Other 0.9 |
Arab: 70.0
Gorgan: 5.0 Atropian: 5.0 Limarian: 10.0 Other: 10.0 |
Gorgan: 83.8
Atropian: 6.5 Limarian: 5.7 Donovian: 1.5 Other: 2.5 |
Limarian: 97.9
Yezidi (Kurd): 1.3 Donovian: 0.5 Other: 0.3 |
Religions in
OE (%) |
Hundu: 79.8
Muslim: 14.2 Christian: 2.3 Sikh: 1.7 Buddhist: 0.7 Jain: 0.4 Other: 0.9 |
Muslim: 93.4
Donovian Orthodox: 2.5 Limarian Orthodox: 2.3 Other: 1.8 |
Sunni Hanafi Muslim: 80.0
Shia Sufi Muslim: 5.0 National Orthodox Christian: 15.0 |
Orthodox Christian: 83.9
Muslim: 9.9 Limarian-Gregorian: 3.9 Catholic: 0.8 Other: 0.8 None: 0.7 |
Limarian Orthodox: 94.7
Other Christian: 4.0 Yezidi: 1.3 |
Languages | Eastern Olvanese Dialects: 71.5
Other Olvanese Dialects: 24.3 Other: 4.2 |
Atropian (official): 90.3
Lezgi: 2.2 Donovian: 1.8 Limarian: 1.5 Other: 3.3 Unspecified: 1.0 |
Donovian (official)
Many minority languages |
Gorgan: 71.0
Donovian: 9.0 Limarian: 7.0 Atropian: 6.0 Other: 7.0 |
Limarian: 97.7
Yezidi: 1.0 Donovian: 0.9 Other: 0.4 |
Literacy
rate (older than 15) (%) |
Total: 96.4
Male: 98.3 Female: 94.4 |
Total: 98.8
Male: 99.5 Female: 98.2 |
Total: 98.0
Male: 98.0 Female: 98.0 |
Total: 100
Male: 100 Female: 100 |
Total: 99.4
Male: 99.7 Female: 99.2 |
Population Movement (Migration/IDPs/Refugees)
Internal migration in Olvana is one of the most extensive in the world. Over the last forty years, the urban population has grown 242%, three-fourths of which was attributable to net migration and urban reclassification—the largest such volume of urban migration in history. This has led to concerns about a brain drain, as professionals and intellectuals are most likely to obtain permanent employment and not return to the rural communities. Migrant workers account for 36% of the total workforce in Olvana. Two-thirds of these workers are male. Current government estimates indicate that within the next ten years, this number will grow to 40% of the urban population. In general, while urbanization provides Olvanese workers with more opportunity, it also constrains them, since the government excludes rural-urban migrant workers from local educational resources, citywide social welfare programs and many jobs. Additionally, potential employers view migrant workers—especially females—as replaceable labor, and generally offer much lower wages. Furthermore, the government will forcibly move migrant workers out of the coastal urban areas and into the rural interior based on agricultural labor needs, irrespective of the migrant workers’ origins.
Waves of Olvanese emigration occurred from the 19th century through the mid-20th century, mainly due to wars and starvation, invasion from various foreign countries, and problems resulting from political corruption. Most immigrants were illiterate peasants and manual laborers who emigrated to the Americas, southern Africa, and other parts of Asia. After the Communist revolution, strict controls prevented large numbers of people from leaving the country. Liberalized emigration policies enacted in the 1980s, however, facilitated the legal departure of increasing numbers of Olvanese, who joined their overseas relatives. Additionally, a modernization program allowed Olvanese students and scholars—especially engineers—to attend foreign education and research institutions, bringing increased contact with industrialized nations. Relatively small levels of immigration came as the result of government-offered various incentives intended to to repatriate part of the Olvanese diaspora. The government settled many of those retuning on various islands in the South China Sea.
Over the last decade, Olvana has accepted over 300,000 refugees from Africa and Asia displaced due to natural disasters, famine, disease outbreak, and war. The term refugee, however, is not used by the Olvanese government. Instead, their official position is that these migrants were accepted as part of a work program sponsorship; these indivuals are expected to return to their homeland.
Population Distribution
The official population of Olvana is 1,123,348,142. Eastern coastal provinces are much more densely populated than the western interior. About 16.60% of the population is 14 years old or younger, 70.14% is between 15 and 59 years old, and 13.26% is over 60 years old, with a median age of 37.4. The population growth rate is an annual average of 0.59% and the human gender ratio is 940 females per 1,000 males. The urban/rural split is 87% urban and 13% rural, with 13% residing within megacities. The five largest cities in Olvana are:
Shanghai Population 29,870,751 Metropolitan Area 53,137,280
Chongqing Population 17,539,169 Metropolitan Area 37,180,905
Guangzhou Population 15,722,194 Metropolitan Area 65,443,039
Wuhan Population 11,142,260 Metropolitan Area 29,225,020
Hong Kong Population 10,423,553 Metropolitan Area 10,423,553
Olvana is one of the most populated countries in the world and its national population density is 805/sq. mi. The overall national density, however, does not account for major variations by region. Broadly speaking, the vast majority of the population lives in and around coastal cities and river deltas. In the east, the population density is 1250 per square mile, while the southwest averages 302 people per square mile. Discounting urban dwellers, sections of the western portions of the country rarely achieving density greater than 10/mi2. Population crowding in urban areas raises concerns within the government that there will be widespread unemployment and political instability. The population of Olvana is projected to continue growing, reaching 1.5 billion within ten years, and peak of 1.65 billion within 25 years. However, the population is then projected to decline heavily, falling below 1 billion by the next century. This is decline is due to socioeconomic factors, not Olvanese government policy.
Demographic Mix
Olvana’s demographics show a large population with a relatively small division of youth, partially a result of Olvana’s family planning policies. Olvana’s growth rate has dropped to 0.6%, ranking them at 159th in the world. The age distribution of the population is 16.6% under the age of 14, 13.3% over the age of 65, and 70.1% between 15 and 64 years old. The median age in the country is 37.4, 36.5 for males, and 38.4 for females. The country’s birth rate is 16.5 births per 1,000, while the death rate is 16.2 deaths/1,000 population. The gender distribution is 1.10 males/female at birth, 1.10 males to females under the age of 15, 1.06 males to females aged 15-64, and 0.90 males to females over the age of 65.
Though per-capita income is still well below Western countries, Olvana's rapid economic growth pulled hundreds of millions of its people out of poverty since economic liberalization measures were implemented some 40 years ago. Today, about 10% of the Olvanese population lives below the poverty line, down from 64% prior to liberalization. However, Olvana continues to face several public health-related challenges. Life expectancy in Olvana is at 72.6 years, with life expectancy for women being 76.0 years and 70.5 years for men. There are around 50 physicians per 100,000 Olvanese. The number of Olvanese living in urban areas has grown by 31.2% in the past decade, up from 27.8% in the previous decade. The slowing down of the overall growth rate of population was due to a sharp decline in the growth rate in rural areas.
Initially, the OCP viewed a large population as an asset. However, it soon became apparent that there were a number of liabilities associated with a large, rapidly growing population. The government imposed a number of restrictions intent on slowing the population growth rate. These included emphasizing the virtues of late marriage, creating sanctioned birth control offices, and employing a combination of public education, social pressure, and coercion to reward those who had fewer children. Governments at the local, regional, and national level give couples with only one child benefits such as cash bonuses, longer maternity leave, better childcare, and preferential housing assignments. These programs were more successful in the urban areas than in rural, due largely to the economic realities of urban life than the actual state intervention.
During the early period of OCP leadership, the birth rate fell from 37 per thousand to 20 per thousand. Infant mortality declined from 227 per thousand births in 1949, to 53 per thousand in 1981. Life expectancy increased dramatically, from around 35 years in 1948 to 66 years in 1976. Today, the OCP is seeking to address an imbalance with the country's female-to-male gender ratio and aging population. Since the citizens of Olvana are living longer and having fewer children, the growth of the population imbalance will continue. This leaves a single adult child with having to provide support for his or her two parents and four grandparents, called the “4-2-1 problem.”
Social Volatility
Social issues in Olvana are significant and wide-ranging. They are a combined result of vestiges from the Communist Revolution, Olvana’s political and cultural history, and Olvana’s immense population. Because of the vast number of social problems that exist, Olvana’s government faces considerable difficulty in trying to remedy the issues. The Olvanese media exposes some of these issues, while in other cases, the government censors politically sensitive issues. The combination of social issues and unsustainable economic growth has the potential, in the long term, to destabilize the nation and threaten the dominance of the OCP.
Caste-related violence in Olvana is on the rise. Last year, there were a reported 31,440 cases of violent acts committed against the so-called “untouchable” caste. These equate to approximately 50.4 violent acts per 10,000 people, up from 1.3 cases a decade earlier. This violence occurred in spite of the fact that the Olvanese Constitution prohibits discrimination based on caste, and declared the ancient caste system illegal during the Communist Revolution.
Sources of unrest within the nation include resistance to media censorship, dissatisfaction with corrupt government officials, unfair treatment by local governments and businesses due to land and expropriation issues, and political persecution following expressions of dissent. The OCP attempts a balancing act by allowing limited forms of dissent, seeking to lessen political tension by offering mild protest as a release valve. Government officials and intellectual elites both have greater access to non-government approved sources of information; they can publish dissenting works the ordinary citizen would not be allowed to. However, authorities silence debates that begin to take on a life of their own, and refuse to recognize the right of the average Olvanese citizens to publish their opinions on political issues free from government censorship. Therefore, while the government encourages the state-controlled media to engage in targeted reporting on corruption, it will not tolerate similar criticisms from private individuals.
Despite significant barriers to publication access and the inherent dangers of criticizing a totalitarian regime, members of Olvana’s "free-speech elite" can express concerns and criticism regarding the government with less fear of punishment than the average Olvanese citizen. This group is composed of senior government and OCP leaders, those with the patronage of such leaders, the professional and financial elite and—to a lesser extent—academics and journalism professionals. Olvanese authorities recognize that limited freedom of expression enables the government to better monitor potentially problematic social issues and thus tolerate limited criticism, but only from the aforementioned categories of people, and only in government-controlled forums. Doing this serves to lessen political tension by serving as a release valve for discontent, deflects criticism that citizens of Olvana do not enjoy freedom of expression, and enables government authorities to monitor the mood of the people. Government authorities track who is inclined to express discontent, and then work to keep such expression from being forced underground where authorities can neither monitor nor control it. The government tolerates such debates only if they occur in private discussions, closed academic conferences, government-authorized publishing outlets, or other forums where the government does not feel there is any threat of greater public participation that it cannot control. Certain groups and individuals who are unable to obtain government authorization do publish books and periodicals on a small scale, but this is possible only through subterfuge and violation of Olvanese law. These private publishers are, therefore, subject to the threat of closure and arrest.
While Olvana often violently and publically quells civil unrest, the amount of dissatisfaction has risen dramatically in recent years. The recorded incidents of mass unrest rose form 8,700 twenty years ago to more than 90,000 each in the last three years. Reasons cited include: an aggrieved class of dispossessed migrants and unemployed workers, a deep loss of faith in the Olvanese system, and a weakening in the traditional means of state control. Corruption, state monopolies, the yawning wealth gap, and the rising cost of housing, education, and medical care all contribute significantly to unrest, with property/business seizures and the widening wealth gap as the two top factors. Unemployment, unpaid wages, and police misconduct are additional sources of grievances.
Education Level
Compulsory education in Olvana is comprised of primary and junior secondary schools, which together cover the nine years between the ages of 6 and 15. The government pledges to provide this education completely free, including textbooks and fees. However, while annual education investment has increased fivefold over the past decade, there remains an inequality in education spending. Annual education expenditure per secondary school student in the capital totals $3,395, while the poorest provinces spend only $543 per student.
About 82.5% of students continue their education at a three-year senior secondary school. The national university entrance exam is a prerequisite for entrance into most higher education institutions. From secondary school, 27.0% of graduates enroll in higher education. Vocational education is available to students at the secondary and tertiary level. There are 311,588 primary schools, 73,948 secondary schools, and 1,756 higher education institutions in Olvana. In 1949, only 20% of the population could read, compared to 94% today. Within the last decade, Olvanese students achieved the world's best results in mathematics, science, and literacy, as tested in a worldwide evaluation of 15-year-old school pupils' scholastic performance. Despite these impressive results, Olvanese education faces both native and international criticism for its emphasis on rote memorization and its gap in quality from rural to urban areas. Although the rural-urban literacy gap has dropped from 21.2% to 16.1% over the last decade, the difference between most literate province (93.9%) and least (63.8%) is still vast.
Olvanese students—like those in many other East Asian countries—face extreme pressure from friends, family, and society to perform well in extremely competitive schools—particularly university entrance exams. This can result in unethical behavior from parents and students. Students without political connections are frequently barred from higher education because educational administrative departments and local authorities hold the right of admission to a large number of universities. Additionally, the higher education system faces the challenges of the transition of the Olvanese economy, conflicts between ancient Olvanese cultures, modern Olvanese cultures and western cultures, and a lack of critical scholarship and monitoring of research quality. At various times, the government attempted to manipulate educational content in a revisionist manner, promoting Socialist-Marxist authors ideologically aligned to policies and suppressing alternative schools of thought. Ironically, the government has accused the local schools in Muslim-heavy regions of being too sympathetic to the Muslim viewpoint—Muslim invaders were projected as heroes, and Olvanese legacies were marginalized.
Ethnic Diversity
Olvana has more than two thousand ethnic groups and subcultures, and representation from every major religion and four major families of languages. The great variation that occurs across this population on social parameters, such as income and education, lend further complexity to the nation’s overall diversity. Only the continent of Africa exceeds the linguistic, genetic, and cultural diversity of the nation of Olvana. In Olvana, the cultural difference between adjacent provinces—or even within the same province—is often as big as that between adjacent European nations. Subgroups are generally classified based on linguistic differences and, in some cases, variations in dialect are so large that subcultures speaking variations of the same language cannot communicate with each other in their mother tongues.
The OCP officially recognizes 56 distinct ethnic groups within the PRO. The largest of these are the Peelee Olvanese, which comprises about 91.51% of the total population. The world’s largest single ethnic group, the Peelee Olvanese outnumber other ethnic groups in every provincial-level division except Gannan and Baiyin. Within the Peelee ethnicity there are numerous subcultures that stem largely from the uneven intermingling of two divergent and heterogeneous populations: the Ancestral North Olvanese and Ancestral South Olvanese. Minorities in some 55 ethnic groups account for about 8.49% of the population. However, the latest national census reported that while the Peelee Olvanese population increased by 5.74%, the population of the 55 national minorities combined increased by 6.92%. Some minority groups are widely dispersed in small concentrations across Olvana, while others are heavily concentrated in regions or even single provinces.
In addition to historical tribal distinctions, the governments of the Olvanese dynastic era divided the Olvanese population into a caste system, a practice dating to at least 221 BCE. The list of scheduled castes and tribes stemmed from an original classification of landlord, peasant, artisan, and merchant. Theoretically, except for the position of the Emperor, nothing was hereditary. Elimination of these class divisions was a root cause of the Olvanese Communist Revolution following World War II. However, despite official claims that the caste system is gone and numerous laws that theoretically prevent class discrimination, the structure still pervades society.
While innumerable tensions and conflicts between the Peelee Olvanese and minority groups were common throughout Olvanese history, today many of the ethnic communities of Olvanese people generally get along well. Many minority ethnic clans are assimilating into mainstream Olvanese society, as rural minorities move into urban areas, resulting in intermarriage and the loss of language. However, various attempts to preserve culture and language have been very successful, while improving living conditions in some of the rural provinces enticed local villagers to stay rather than move to major urban areas.
The OCP recognizes certain peoples in the Gannan and Baiyin provinces as separate tribes rather than subsets of Olvanese, in large part due to distance from the capital and drastically smaller population density. However, the Peelee Olvanese who live in Gannan are also recognized, which is how the PRO government leveraged or “interceded” in this province on behalf of the Peelee identified sub-state group in the 1950s. Baiyin is a swath of territory on the inland border of Olvana. Baiyin is 1/25th the total area of Olvana, but only holds about 1% of the population. The PRO incorporated the province of Baiyin in 1949, calling it a peaceful liberation, and claiming the land based on the extent of the dynastical expansion of the 1600s. While 90% of Baiyin is Peelee and only 10% of the province can claim non-Peelee ethnicity, the Peelee who have lived in Baiyin all their lives do not speak Olvanese, are generally Muslim, and share a collective sense of belonging closer to Baiyin than Olvana.
Religious Diversity
A diversity of religious beliefs and practices combined with a predominant Hindu majority characterizes religion in Olvana. Olvana is a secular state in accordance with the Constitution and the government of Olvana is officially atheist. However, religion plays a central and definitive role in the daily life of the population. While the Constitution theoretically guarantees freedom of religion, religious organizations that lack official approval can be subject to state persecution. The State Administration for Religious Affairs oversees religious affairs and issues in the country and frequently takes a very biased pro-Hindu stance, reflecting the religious makeup of the country.
The OCP officially banned religion following the revolution, both as a standard Communist precept and as part of the effort to remove the Hindu-based caste system. Initially, there was widespread suppression and persecution of religious leaders. Over time, the Party recognized the unlikelihood of the people abandoning Hinduism altogether and have slowly become more tolerant of religious activities. However, it continues to use its officially atheistic status to suppress non-Hindus in certain provinces.
Excluding party officials, whom the government bans from belonging to a religious organization, 81% of Olvanese are religious, 13% not religious, 3% are convinced atheists, and 3% are unsure. Atheism and agnostics have visible influence in Olvana, often taking a Confucian bent, along with a self-ascribed tolerance to other faiths. Nationally, the Olvanese religious population comprises 79.8% Hindus, 14.2% Muslims, 2.3% Christians, 1.7% Sikhs, 0.7% Buddhists, 0.4% Jains, and 0.9% other various indigenous ethnically bound faiths. Hinduism is the predominant religion in all provinces except for Baiyin and Gannan, where Islam is dominant, Dien Bien Dong, which is mostly Buddhist, and Dongguan where Christianity is predominant.
The vast majority of Olvanese engage in religious rituals on a daily basis. These rituals, however, are widely diverse dependent upon not only religion, but also region, village, and individual. Purification, usually with water, is a typical feature of most religious action. Other characteristics include a belief in the efficacy of sacrifice and the concept of merit, wherein the performance of charity or good works will accumulate over time and reduce sufferings in the next life. Religion also significantly affects dietary habits, and almost one-third of Olvanese practice a form of lacto-vegetarianism.
Historically, conflict has stemmed from the competing ideologies of Hindu nationalism versus Islamic fundamentalism, regional suppression of Buddhism, and the expulsion and execution of Christians. One of the major contributing factors to religious conflicts in Olvana was a previous lack of education among the masses and the ease with which corrupt politicians could take advantage of the same. Even though freedom of religion is an integral part of the Olvanese constitution, the inability to hold communal mobs accountable has accentuated the occasional religious conflicts.
Common Languages
Ariana’s principal language is Persian (Farsi), which is the primary language for about 58% of the population. Arianians view the ability to communicate in the Persian language—also the country’s official language—as a standard of civility and social distinction, separating the lower classes from the elites. In the remaining population, 26% speak Turkic, 9% Kurdish, 2% Luri, 1% Baluchi, 1% Arabic, 1% Kalarian, and 2% speak other languages. For US personnel to communicate with the Arianian populace, they will need to speak Farsi or use local interpreters.
Criminal Activity
Many years ago, the US State Department issued a warning to US persons against travel to Ariana that remains in effect due to high criminal activity present throughout the entire country. “US citizens who travel to Ariana despite the Travel Warning should exercise caution throughout the country, but especially in the southeastern region where Westerners have been victims of criminal gangs often involved in the smuggling of drugs and other contraband.”
Crime exists in many forms throughout Ariana. In 2000, the Arianian government reported that Tehran contained up to two million drug addicts, who consumed up to five tons of narcotics daily. Drug use and prostitution are widespread among young Arianians. Petty street crimes—such as robberies by men in unmarked cars and on motorcycles—also commonly occur across Ariana. Some victims have reported robberies by police impersonators in civilian clothing. Terrorist explosions have killed a number of people in Ariana since 2005. The Arianian government has blamed the US, UK, and Saudi governments (or their alleged proxies) for involvement in bombings directed against Arianian military forces.
While Ariana does not publish national crime statistics, the Arianian news media and organizations such as the UN report major incidents of criminal activity and public executions. In 2010, the UN reported Ariana executed the most criminals per capita of any nation. Ariana executed 320 persons, including seven juveniles. About 130 juvenile offenders remain on death row. Between January and May 2011, Ariana executed approximately 90 convicted criminals for capital crimes.
The Arianian government considers most violent crimes—to include murder, robbery, rape, and drug distribution—as capital offenses punishable by hanging. Judges, however, continue to issue disparate sentences such as stoning and throwing from heights for capital offenses. Arianian judges also regularly order executions for adultery and for premarital sex, despite UN requests to end such practices. Judicial officials often discriminate between the sexes, and sentences of stoning to death for adultery are disproportionately handed down to women.
Narcotics and human trafficking are major criminal enterprises in Ariana. Ariana remains a destination country and a global drug transit point for narcotics from Afghanistan. Opium, heroin, morphine, and hashish are trafficked into Arianian border towns from routes through Baluchistan, Nimruz, Farah, and Herat. Criminal elements also utilize century’s old ratlines on the borders to conduct smuggling operations that also include recently developed underground tunnels to negate law enforcement detection. These under- ground networks range from small and crude to very elaborate with electricity. The exact number of tunnels is unknown at this time; however, STRATCOM estimates that 20 to 30 tunnels are active within the Northern border regions of Ariana. The picture is a recent smuggling tunnel discovered by Atropian border guards. Criminal networks traffic Arianian women to Europe, Central/South Asia, and the Persian Gulf states for labor and sexual exploitation. Ariana remains a significant destination country for boys from Pakistan, Afghanistan, and Bangladesh for labor.
Human Rights
Ariana’s government possesses a spotty human rights record that appears to be deteriorating due to hard-line Islamic leadership. If US personnel work in Ariana, they may find themselves advocating for human rights in accordance with values articulated by the UN. Reports over the past few years recount numerous severe abuses. Recently reported human rights violations include:
- Unjust executions after reportedly unfair trials
- Disappearances
- Torture and severe officially-sanctioned punishments such as death by stoning or flogging
- Excessive use of force against student demonstrators
- Poor prison conditions
- Arbitrary arrest and detention
- Lack of judicial independence
- Lack of fair public trials
- Political prisoners and detainees held without charges or held on false charges
- Restrictions of civil liberties, such as speech, press, assembly, association, movement, and privacy
- Severe restrictions on freedom of religion
- Official corruption
- Lack of government transparency
- Violence and legal and societal discrimination against women, minorities, and homosexuals
- Trafficking of persons
- Incitement to anti-Semitism
- Restriction of workers' rights, such as freedom of association, organizing, and collective bargaining
- Child labor, including forced child labor
- Persecution of minorities, including religious minorities
Arianian women continue to face widespread discrimination in law and practice, despite President Moudin's claims that Arianian women are the “freest in the world.” Gender inequality is widespread and sustained by Arianian law. For example, unless her ex-husband is a drug addict or in prison, a divorced woman must surrender to her ex-husband custody of her sons when they reach two years of age, and of her daughters when they reach seven. Women suffer discrimination under property law as well. For example, when a father dies and leaves an inheritance, the daughter only receives half of what her brother receives. These aspects of Arianian society are unlikely to change as they are based on widely held religious beliefs.
Centers of Social Power
The family (immediate and extended) is a basic foundation of Ariana’s social structure. This family focus shapes people’s identity, stature, and ambition. Arianians place dedication to their family above other social priorities, to include business endeavors and personal relationships. Arianians condone favoritism or bias based on family relationships, and this remains a culturally accepted norm. Multiple family members often work within the same organization; Arianians rationalize the nepotism, portraying it as a means to employ reliable and trustworthy individuals. They rely heavily on the family unit for emotional support. Arianians demonstrate intimacy in their relationships with their extended family and tend to care for elderly relatives at home. The immediate family in Ariana averages less than two children per household.
Factors such as an individual’s age, origin, education level, wealth, and gender contribute to an Arianian’s social rank. Social class and family background determine status more than an individual’s character or achievement. Arianian culture exhibits a hierarchy in its structure. Elaborate rituals of courtesy and respect permeate Arianian culture and affect a wide variety of social norms. These customs determine where a person sits at a table, and even how individuals greet each other.
Individuals deemed inferior within particular relationships must act subservient and respectful in their interactions with their social superiors. The superior remunerates the subordinate’s gestures with acts of charity and generosity. Although Arianian society accepts such interaction as necessary, it amounts to little more than a farce in many cases. In reality, both parties typically distrust each other and may be suspicions of the other’s motives. This veneer operates across most Arianian social institutions, including the military.
Tribal System
- Sheikhs can (but may not always be) influential and powerful.
- A Sheikh can have family members (and therefore influence) spread over large geographic areas, and may not have any real power or influence in his immediate area.
- Tribal organization is as follows:
- Tribal Confederation
- Tribe
- Sub-tribe
- Clan
- Branch
- Family
Honor and Shame
- Honor in Arianian culture defines an individual’s reputation and worth.
- A family’s male head of household is responsible for protecting the family’s honor.
- When someone’s honor is compromised, Arianians seek revenge for themselves, their family, or their group.
Basic Cultural Norms and Values
Over the last 25 centuries, the people who inhabited present-day Ariana have shown a long history of conflict. From the ancient Persian dynasties to the Islamic expansion and the conflicts of the 20th Century, war has been a part of most of Ariana’s history. From its founding in 610, Islam expanded quite often by conquest, and it was no different in Ariana.
After World War II until the Council of Guardians Revolution, the US provided much military support to Ariana and made it the best military force in the region. After the Council of Guardians Revolution, Western-supplied equipment often fell into disrepair due to a lack of maintenance and spare parts. Due to a firm belief in the righteousness of their religion, young Arianian males will continue to participate enthusiastically in the military despite any leadership deficiencies.
Meeting & Greeting | The lower-status person issues the first greeting—typically Salam (peace). Men shake hands.
Men do not shake hands with a woman unless the woman offers her hand first. Make a slight bow or nod of the head when shaking hands. People of the same gender may kiss on the cheek. |
Visiting/ Hospitality | Stand when an older or important person enters or leaves a room. Shaking a child’s hand shows respect for the parents.
Due to the lack of other entertainment, family visitation is the most common form of recreation. Honored guests are placed at the head of the table/room and are served first. It is acceptable to decline the honor and pass it on to someone else. |
Manners | Use Mr. or Mrs. until well acquainted with the person.
If someone displays interest in your meal, offer them a portion of it. It is alright to decline the offer of the food from their plate. |
Customs and Practices Cultural Dos & Don’ts | No casinos, nightclubs, dance halls, movies with nudity or sexual themes, or music genres such as rap or rock.
Men and women dress conservatively, with men wearing Western-style clothing. Women must be covered from head to toe in public. Some women will wear a burqa, covering all but the eyes, while others will wear a head scarf that exposes the face. |
Gifts | Be careful about praising a person’s possession as he will likely offer it to you. Bring a small gift when invited to a household. It will not be opened in front of you. People who return from trips are expected to bring gifts for family and friends. |
Taboos | No chess or card games allowed.
Girls can only play sports in special enclosed areas. Women cannot perform music in public. Do not eat or drink in public from sunrise to sunset during Ramadan. Do not find yourself in a closed room alone with a member of the opposite gender. Do not consume any alcohol. Do not cross your legs or point the soles of your feet at anyone. Do not eat with the left hand. Do not over-praise a child as the parents will think you are putting the “evil eye” on them. Do not stare at others. This is considered rude and is offensive if done to a female by a male. |
Personal Space | Much less than that of the US.
Arianians will stand very close when speaking to a person. |
Displays of Affection | No public displays of affection even between married people. |
Marriage Rituals | Dating is uncommon.
Parents choose the bride for their son through the Khastagari or investigation process. A contract is concluded at the second Khastagari, which is when the groom meets the bride for the first time. The groom’s family gives a gift to the bride at the Bale Barun ceremony months later. The two families determine the Majles (dowry), hold a Namzadi where the bride and groom exchange rings, and set the wedding date. In the Khunche, the groom’s family takes gifts to the bride’s house in flat containers carried on their heads. Ceremony takes place at a Sofeye Aghd (Wedding Spread) where the marriage is a contract. The Patakhti (similar to a US wedding shower) takes place after the wedding. |
Work Week/ Work Hours | Saturday to Thursday, 44 hours per week with a Friday-only weekend. |
Concept Of Time | More relaxed than the West.
Arianians want to establish trust before working with a foreigner or stranger. |
Dispute Resolution | Often hold grudges and seek revenge. |
Birth Rituals | Only close relatives visit the mother in the hospital.
Others wait until the baby comes home and then bring a gift when they visit. An older member of the family will speak Arabic into the baby’s ear. Maternal grandmother usually takes care of the mother and child for 10 days. Mothers are expected to breast-feed their babies because of a fear that if they do not, the child will become “remorseless.” Some brides eat a cooked sheep’s neck to give the baby a strong neck. Baby receives a special bath at 10 days old. When the first tooth appears, the Mother feeds the baby “tooth soup.” Some Shia males are circumcised on the seventh day after their birth, but all Muslim males are circumcised before puberty. Children from any marriage belong to the father in the event of a divorce. |
Death Rituals | Bodies must be buried within 24 hours.
Washed nine times (often three now) with sedr, kafoor, and fresh water by the same gender. Body openings plugged with cotton balls. Body wrapped in a kafan (large white cotton cloth), tied on both ends, and placed in the coffin. Sometimes females will not attend male relative’s funeral. Buried individually, but high plot cost means that some Arianians use the same plot. Buried with right side facing Mecca. Burials take place only in daylight hours. Professional readers or recordings recite prayers. Family will dress in black for 40 days while some extend the mourning period to one year. Relatives visit the gravesite on the Hafteh (seventh day), Cheleh (40th day), and Sal (one year) after the person’s death. |
Summary
Ariana’s society has continued to evolve, despite the abuses condoned by a theocratic government that is mismanaged by powerful Shia clerics. While Ariana’s citizens enjoy a higher standard of living than some of their regional neighbors, Arianians are frustrated with the persistent high inflation and unemployment rates. Young adults must overcome economic obstacles before marrying and starting a family of their own. The rural poor still do not enjoy the improvements in their standard of living that Arianian leaders promised during the last two national elections campaigns. Many professionals leave Ariana to seek better opportunities abroad. All of these issues continue to perplex the religious establishment, which has not developed viable solutions.