Time: Bothnia

Originally, the easternmost territory of the Skolkan Empire, by the early 18th Century the region that now comprises the countries of Bothnia and Otso had acquired a considerable degree of autonomy. Increasingly autonomous as the century wore on, the local aristocracy gained considerable wealth from the sale of timber for spars and masts to the navies of the warring factions during the Napoleonic wars. Although the Empire was allied with Russia during the wars, the eastern region was essentially on the sidelines as being too geographically isolated from the main areas of conflict. The Dukes of Northern Bothnia, South Bothnia and Otso used the Empire’s distraction with the wars to gain further autonomy from the Skolkan capital in Tyr, sometimes in collaboration with each other and sometimes in competition. As the Empire gradually became moribund, the Dukes became more and more independent. During this period, the Court of Bothnia maintained a close relationship with the Russian Court and their small but loyal contribution during the Napoleonic years was not to be forgotten. By the time of the First World War (WWI), the region was to all intents and purposes an independent state drawing little attention from either Skolkan rulers, or their Russian neighbors to the east.

Throughout the 19th Century, the region prospered, largely through exports of timber and fur. Partly as a result of this and partly as a result of its comparative geographic position, there was nothing like the scale of industrialization in Skolkan that the rest of northern Europe experienced during this period. By the outbreak of WWI, Otso and North Bothnia were essentially backwaters, while the southern part of Bothnia expanded considerably along the coastline and the Duke’s seat, Brahea, reached its zenith by 1880 as a cultured and rich city although shaded regionally by St Petersburg. By 1914, the Duchy of South Bothnia was a relatively rich entity. During the war, the Skolkan Empire was nominally neutral, but there were a variety of factions throughout the region that favored either Donovia or the Central Powers. Both of the Bothnian Duchies and the Duchy of Otso provided volunteer regiments to the Donovian army as well as other assistance to the Donovian war effort. The collapse of Donovia into chaos in 1917 triggered the final collapse of the Empire. Royalists, republicans, separatists, communists and proto-fascists fought a confused civil war. The close relationship with Russia produced a divided country as factions fought for separate political Ideologies. Finally, faced with an uncertain neighbor in Donovia, the eastern duchies combined to form a single state as the Republic of Otsobothnia, whose legitimacy was recognized as part of the overall post WWI settlement in Europe. However, although this made geographic sense, it was not a natural entity as the Duchies had a sense of “self” that was distinct and to a degree antagonistic.

External relations with Torrike and Framland were acceptable, not least because the main focus of those countries was internal, or in the case of Torrike, concentrated on the more pressing problem of an independent but weak Arnland on its southern border. Internally, considerable tension remained. South Bothnia was a hive of communist activity and sympathizers and the Duke and his family were forced to abandon their holdings. North Bothnia was quieter, but still suffered some degree of disruption; the death of the last hereditary Duke may have relieved tension somewhat. Within the confines of his territory, the Duke of Otso remained influential and carefully steered a more democratic approach to politics. The fault lines along which Otsobothnia would ultimately split were actually apparent from the very foundation of the country. After a great deal of violent confrontation, Otsobothnia eventually settled down as a marginally democratic state, albeit one in which there were significant political tensions. The communist party remained a force in the south and west, while the east remained more traditional in its outlook.

Donovia recognized Otsobothnia as an independent state and acknowledged their mutual borders. However, despite several treaties and non‐aggression agreements, tensions arose during the 1930s. Soviet acceptance of Otsobothnia declined with the distance from the Russian Revolution. The revolution the Soviets anticipated in Otsobothnia never took place; communistic parties and their sympathizers were not successful electorally and active agitators were suppressed. Additionally, Donovia grew increasingly concerned about the vulnerability of Leningrad and sought to improve its defenses by pushing back the borders. Donovia offered Otsobothnia a land swap to increase Otsobothnia’s territory in the North, while conceding land in the area of Leningrad. This would have increased the actual size of Otsobothnia while pushing its border in the Karelian Isthmus back to within 30km of Viipuri. This offer was discussed several times, but rejected on each occasion.

In August 1939, Donovia signed a non‐aggression treaty with Nazi Germany, the so called Molotov‐Ribbentrop pact. A hidden codicil to this pact delineated “spheres of influence” between Donovia and Germany. Under this agreement, the Baltic states and the eastern half of Otsobothnia fell under Donovia. After the successful division of Poland, Donovia turned its attention once more to Otsobothnia. The new territorial demands were even less attractive than before, with additional concessions being required from Otsobothnia. These would, in effect, have denuded the country of its defensive fortifications against Donovia. When these demands were rejected, the Donovians invaded. Although they were ultimately victorious, the war showed up serious shortcomings in the Donovian army which suffered heavy losses. The final settlement pushed Donovia’s borders well to the west of Viipuri. When Hitler invaded Donovia in 1941, Otsobothnia seized the opportunity to reclaim its lost territory. Otsobothnian aims were limited to regaining lost ground and they refused to be drawn beyond these bounds, despite German pressure. Otsobothnia, for instance, did not participate in the siege of Leningrad and refused to cut the Murmansk railway. The Donovian offensive of 1944 drove the Otsobothnian forces back to their start point and an Armistice was signed in 1944.

The final settlement of the conflict and formal cessation was war was ratified under the Paris Peace Treaty of 1947. Under this settlement, Otsobothnia lost the Karelian regions and had to pay a huge war indemnity of approximately 50% of the country’s GDP. The final border with Donovia was well to the north and west of Viipuri. Negotiations after the cease‐fire exacerbated existing tensions between the Otsonians and the western provinces. The strong sense of self helped crystallize the belief that the “westerners” took all the wealth of the country while the east made all the sacrifices. The loss of Viipuri and associated territory deprived the east of one of its few industrial centers and further increased the east’s sense of grievance. Encouraged by the Donovians, Otso declared itself to be independent as the Royal Duchy of Otso, which they declared would be a neutral state along the lines of Switzerland. This proposal actually suited the western provinces, which accepting that it would not be possible to regain territory lost to Donovia, assessed that the eastern provinces would be a drain on their resources. Additionally, a buffer between Donovia and their provinces would give them more room for maneuver in rebuilding their state. As a result, the creation of Bothnia and Otso as independent states became part of the overall settlement of the Second World War (WWII).

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