Nyumba
| Nyumba | |
|---|---|
 Flag | |
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| Capital | Kismayo |
| Largest city | Kismayo (183,300) |
| Official languages |
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| Ethnic groups |
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| Religion |
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| Demonym | Nyumban |
| Government | Democratic (autocracy) |
| Legislature | Three branched |
| GDP | estimate |
• Total | $2.9 billion |
| Time zone | EAT (GMT+3) |
The government is authoritarian in all aspects. Beginning fifty-nine years ago, a military coup overthrew the newly elected civilian government, lasting only six years before an Islamist government took power. While the government remains Sharia law-based, tribal influences permeate and dominate the government as well. Economic, religious, ethnic, and tribal interests collide, collude, and complicate the politics of Nyumba and have led to decades of civil war and other internal conflicts. These conflicts have threatened border countries with refugees and provided a safe haven for terrorists, insurgents, criminals, and other disrupters. These deep-seated challenges show no signs of dissipating.
Contents
Political
Nyumba has had little in the form of democracy since its inception. It has been primarily ruled by authoritarian governments and wracked with internal turmoil and paranoia about perceived external threats. It is suspicious of regional government alliances with western countries and, particularly, what the Nyumba government leaders see as international meddling in its sovereign domestic and regional concerns.
The government is authoritarian in all aspects. Beginning fifty-nine years ago, a military coup overthrew the newly elected civilian government, lasting only six years before an Islamist government took power. While the government remains Sharia law-based, tribal influences permeate and dominate the government as well. Economic, religious, ethnic, and tribal interests collide, collude, and complicate the politics of Nyumba and have led to decades of civil war and other internal conflicts. These conflicts have threatened border countries with refugees and provided a safe haven for terrorists, insurgents, criminals, and other disrupters. These deep-seated challenges show no signs of dissipating.
The center of political power resides in the authoritarian government, supported by the interests of a variety of regional groups. The ruling party, the National People’s Party (NPP), controls the unicameral legislature, the National Congress (NC). The president has the power to dissolve and recall the NC and has used this mechanism on occasions when it fits the political need of the president. Regional militias, such as the Tajammu, are used to crush political opposition and punish those it deems a threat. The military remains loyal due, in large measure, to the legal and illegal money-generating opportunities afforded it. These revenue streams allow it to give the rank and file in the military better-than-average salaries and perks. All of this is calculated to keep the ruling party in power.
Military
The Nyumban Armed Forces (NAF) is the state military of Nyumba and is key to the country’s stability. It has experienced significant challenges from both the various threat actors in Nyumba, and distrust within its ranks and from politicians. Civilian distrust is particularly high, leading to widespread tribalism and the rise of armed militias. Its composition and deployments are driven by political desires to maintain control of key forces and the de facto ceding of territory to tribes or armed groups. The NAF consists of the Nyumban National Army (NNA), the Nyumban Armed Forces Air Corps, and the Nyumban Navy. The Nyumban National Security Service controls a paramilitary group, the Rapid Security Forces (RSF) which is usually deployed in support of border and anti-insurgency operations. The NAF has inherited a varied structure and culture due to several regime changes and colonial legacy. The lawlessness of the territory and general instability has heightened both political and military leaders’ wariness of the forces.
Rather than adequately resourcing its forces, Nyumba has historically accepted peacekeeping force contribution and foreign advisors to help keep its force relatively functional and trained. The military, despite its ideological purges and the weakening of discipline because of the introduction of ideological affinities in officers’ promotions, remains a traditional army that sees itself as "national" and non-tribal. Successive governments in Nyumba have relied on tribally-recruited militias to augment the national armed forces.
Economic
By most modern standards, Nyumba is a very weak or failed state economically. A relatively small group of powerful individuals controls the financial, trade, banking, and commodity sectors within the country. The main focus of this group is to ensure that they remain in power and control of the country and its economy. Manipulation of all resources to further the wealth and gain of the group is a common theme. To this end the leadership maintains low levels of regulation and oversight of economic activities to gain the most revenue possible. Legitimate and illicit economic activities exist on equal footing in Nyumba with the poorer population bearing the burden.
Nyumba’s economy is best characterized as unbridled capitalism. The government has few economic control measures in place and has little influence over the financial dealings of its citizens. The ruling elite of the country use their position for personal gain with significant corruption and manipulation of the economy in all levels of government. The country ranks high on the GINI index of the distribution of income within the economy with those in the ruling elite holding 85% of the wealth. There are some tribal influences in the government and its handling of the economy but by and large the main factor is those in power do whatever is necessary to remain in control. The group is characterized by a diplomat’s recent comment, “shameless looters who are living in luxury while showing breathtaking indifference [to their people].”
The country’s basic infrastructure does not support economic growth. Few modernized roads, no rail lines, power distribution grid, pipelines, or other basic infrastructure severely restricts the government’s ability to launch economic development. Lack of basic infrastructure does lend itself to development opportunities if the government can find the funds or investors interested in undertaking high risk projects. A recent railroad construction project between Kismaayo and Lamu is a prime example. The government is funding a $1.1B loan for the project through the Olvana Export-Import Bank and an Olvanan construction company is leading the project.
With oil as the main revenue generating resource for the country, the economy is subject to commodity value swings. The recent downturn in worldwide oil prices is reflected in the GDP trending downward and the government running an ongoing deficit. To counter the trend, the Nyumban Finance Minister recently announced production targets for the coming year at double that of prior years and implementation of some economic austerity measures.
Social
Nyumba enjoys an ancient heritage and rich culture. It has combined its Arabic and African roots to create a uniquely Nyumbaan culture. Nyumbaans are very proud of their culture
Due to Nyumba’s repressive regime and its inability to cope with the economic and societal difficulties that follow with natural disasters, civil wars, and other conflicts, the importance of tribal and family relationships is more profound and pronounced in Nyumba. Like other regional countries, rural families are dependent upon their ties to larger tribal structures. Where Nyumba differs is in its total societal dependence on these relationships, even in more urban areas were these familial structures tend to loosen in other regional countries. The poverty endemic in the country as a whole, requires that families band together for survival.
These family and extended tribal relationships have also had a direct impact on the political direction of the country. The government of Nyumba is beholden to and dependent upon tribal relationships to stay in power. For example, the tribe-based Tajammu militias receive perks and patronage from the government for conducting paramilitary and extra-legal operations on behalf of the government.
Information
Nyumba’s population is non-technical with radio and word of mouth (WoM) as their primary information sources. A select segment of the population, (those with money or influence), have access to and use the latest information technologies. The government leadership, social, and financial elite, and military leadership maintains power over the population through control of the media and exploitation of the latest technologies. Those in power use their status to sanction and benefit from the exploitation of information. This includes hosting e-criminal enterprises that seek to exploit regional and international targets. Information systems complement or support other typical criminal activity: smuggling, cyber theft, human trafficking, and hostage data.
The government controls all media outlets in Nyumba. Television, radio, print, and internet are all under government control or censorship. Even though the laws and constitution of the country stipulate freedom of speech and press, in practice the government restricts private media by failing to issue or suspending any operating licenses. The World Press Freedom ranking for Nyumba is 170th out of 180 countries. This control typically intensifies just prior to elections or when the government is being criticized by the public. Government intelligence agencies block any access to opposition information and actively work to discredit any sources contrary to the government message.
The government controls all communication technologies--internet, satellite phones, cell phones, satellite television. Generally, the population does not have access to these technologies due to lack of infrastructure or no economic means to get access. Very limited access to satellite television is available for purchase from both commercial and black market sources but the cost is high and prohibitive for the majority of the population.
Infrastructure
Nyumba is the least populated and least densely populated country in the region. The limited infrastructure is significantly degraded. Most of the population and development is concentrated along the Tana and Juba Rivers, and the Indian Ocean ports of Lamu and Kismaayo. Paved roads are limited to the main artery running from Moyale in the north to Isiolo on the Amari border, and a 150 km strip from Kismaayo running northeast to Jilib.
Nyumba has the least developed infrastructure in the region. It is only partially connected to regional infrastructure networks. The exception is the northern portion of a transcontinental road corridor that connects southern Africa with the Red Sea. It depends entirely on imported electricity and refined petroleum. Despite its poverty and lack of development, in most years Nyumbans have access to sustainable water resources.
Physical Environment
Nyumba is a moderately large country located in eastern Africa. It borders one major body of water: the Indian Ocean and encompasses two others, Lake Turkana and Lake Logipi. The country’s terrain varies from a significant rift valley, high mountains and arid desert lowlands, as well as coastal plains, with climates ranging from east, tropical to semiarid and in the west, warm desert and arid and humid near the coast.
Nyumba’s land area is approximately 165,417 square miles in Eastern Africa. It shares 1,245 miles of border with Amari to the south and three bodies of water—the Indian Ocean and Lake Turkana. Additionally, there is a smaller body of water, Lake Logipi just south of Lake Turkana. The country’s varied terrain includes mountainous highlands, high plateaus, deep valleys, lowland plains, and sandy beaches.
Irregular in shape, Nyumba’s long axis runs northwest to southeast. Beginning at the former, Nyumba’s southwest of its border runs parallel North Eastern Rift Valley which encompasses Lake Turkana. Mountain ranges run parallel to Nyumba’s north western border. The mountain ranges vary in elevation, 2,624 feet to it’s approximate highest elevations to 7,217 feet at the peak of Mount Kulal. Progressing eastward from Mount Kulal, the terrain becomes largely flat open desert with elevations ranging approximately 1,500 feet to 2,100 feet. Faza (73 sq miles), Lamu (23 sq miles), and Kiwayu (5 sq miles) Islands lie southeast of the mainland and is the country’s southernmost land mass. The highest point in Nyumba is at 7,497 feet, while the lowest is at sea level on the Indian Ocean coast.
Time
Nyumba uses the Gregorian calendar. However, within that daily routine great importance is paid to the rising and setting of the sun. Since Nyumba straddles the equator, there is little difference in the hours of daylight seen in the Summer or Winter. As is common in equatorial Africa, none of the regional countries observe Daylight Savings Time (DST).
Once the differing approach to time is understood, business in Nyumba should be straightforward. Attempting to impose a Western approach to time will not benefit either party. This is the case in the cities as well as the countryside.
Significant Non-State Threat Actors and Conditions
| Group Name | Type | Country | Description |
|---|---|---|---|
| Civil Militias | Militia | Nyumba | Nyumban civil militia groups operate and thrive in conditions of state disintegration in areas with little or no state control. Many of the roving gangs will be younger, but groups of older men and possibly women may arm themselves to respond to threats. Civil militia groups are often organized along very narrow political lines, religious intolerance, and ethnic exclusion. The emergence of civil militia-controlled areas has created problems for border enforcement and the lucrative mining and tourism sectors. |
| Hizbul al-Harakat | Violent Extremist | Nyumba |  |
| Islamic Front in the Heart Africa (AFITHA) | Violent Extremist | -Multiple |  |
| Tajammu Militias | Militia | Nyumba | The Tajammu is a violent militia comprised of Nyumban Arab tribes and disaffected camel herding tribes of the Nyumban northern region. They are currently in conflict with Nyumban civil militias in central Nyumba and Hizbul al-Harakat elements in the Nyumban western region. They have been one of the main drivers of violence throughout the region. |