Social: Atropia

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As a longstanding meeting place of the European and Middle Eastern civilizations, Atropian society possesses social elements from both Europe and the Middle East. This is reflected in a culture that embraces the emphasis on higher education as in Europe, along with the social conservatism and traditions of Islam. Many Atropians enjoy a high education level, and some are bilingual. Atropian authorities place much emphasis on their vision of social order, which includes suppression of journalists and restrictions on religious organizations and celebrations. Atropia and the US enjoy a history of cooperation, and this will likely continue into the future.

Atropians have links with Ariana, especially to the large Atropian minority there. Any Arianian attacks on the Atropian minority in Ariana, however, could trigger a reaction from the Atropian government or the people living along the Atropia/Ariana border.

Social Statistics for Ariana, Atropia, Gorgas, Limaria, and Donovia

Statistic	Data			Rank
Age distribution (%)	0-14 years: 23.9	15-64 years: 69.4	65 years and over: 6.7
Median age	Total: 28.5	Male: 26.9	Female: 30.3
Life expectancy at birth in years (Rank)	Total: 66.66	Male: 62.53	Female: 71.34	157
Literacy rate (older than 15) (%)	Total: 98.8	Male: 99.5	Female: 98.2
Population	8,372,373
Growth rate	0.846%			129
Birth rate per 1,000	17.62			117
Death rate per 1,000	8.30			101
Net Migration rate per 1,000	-1.69			129
Urban population	52%
Annual urbanization rate	1.0%
Fertility rate (Children per woman)	2.03			127
Infant mortality rate	18.2 deaths per 1,000 live births			46
Ethnic groups (%)	Atropian: 90.6 Gilak: 2.2 Arianian: 3.0 Donovian Arab: 1.8 Limarian: 1.5 Other 0.9
Religions in OE (%)	Shia Muslim: 89.0 Sunni Muslim: 6.9 Limarian Apostolic: 2.3 Other: 1.8
Languages	Atropian (official): 90.3 Lezgi: 2.2 Donovian: 1.8 Limarian: 1.5 Other: 4.2
Major diseases in the OE	0 Diarrheal diseases 0 Hepatitis A 0 Hepatitis E 0 Typhoid 0 Cholera 0 Malaria 0 Crimean-Congo 0 Hemorrhagic fever 0 Gonorrhea 0 Chlamydia 0 Tuberculosis 0 Leptospirosis 0 Hantavirus 0 Hemorrhagic fever 0 Anthrax 0 Rabies

Population Movement (Migration/IDPs/Refugees)

The war in Lower Janga forced the movement of hundreds of thousands of ethnic Atropian refugees into Atropia, where they remain one of the largest reminders of the war today. Seventeen years after the end of the conflict, more than one-half million refugees remain unsettled. Atropia currently possesses one of the largest populations of internally displaced persons (IDPs) in Europe. The IDPs originate from one of the bloodiest, but relatively unknown, late 20th century wars that began 20 years ago between Atropians and Limarians. The three-year war killed over 30,000 on both sides, and the repercussions from the subsequent population displacement reverberate to the present day.

Seventeen years ago, an internationally brokered ceasefire ended the conflict, though the Atropian and Lower Jangan government forces continue to exchange sporadic fire. The former Atropian residents of Lower Janga refuse to return to the separatist province. Lower Janga officially remains a province of Atropia, but the “Independent Republic of Lower Janga” (supported by Limaria) politically and militarily controls the area. Minor conflict along the province’s border continues, as both sides often exchange small arms fire.

For the most part, Atropia failed to integrate the Atropian Lower Janga refugees due to a variety of factors. While monetary resources remain the primary issue, the Atropian government’s official negotiation position remains that the IDPs possess the political right to return to their homes in the Lower Janga enclave. Recently, however, the Atropian government and nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) increased the resources to support the refugees and exerted additional effort to normalize the IDPs’ lives and status.

The refugees’ status slowly shows signs of normalization, as the situation’s permanency and continued Limarian control of Lower Janga become a de facto element of Atropian political life. By four years ago, the Atropian government had replaced most tent camps with permanent dwellings. Government services and economic opportunities available to IDPs outside major cities, however, remain extremely limited. This conflict, although unofficial at this point, still negatively affects the lives of those displaced. The IDP integration into Atropian society will continue to tax the government’s resources. Even though the Atropians’ loss in the Atropia-Limaria conflict occurred 17 years ago, the defeat stills affects the Atropian population’s psyche today.

Migration is minimal, and usually consists of members of different ethnic groups repatriating to their country of origin.

Population Distribution

Atropia reflects an increasingly urban population and just over half of all Atropians (52%) live in cities, with an annual urbanization rate of 1%. Baku, the capital, is the largest metropolitan area with over two million inhabitants, or one-quarter of the total national population. The cities of Ganja and Sumgayit both contain over 250,000 people, while six other cities possess populations of 50,000 or higher. The most obvious impact of urbanization is the adoption of more Western cultural elements (most noticeably in dress, gender roles, the importance of religion, and educational practices) in lieu of traditional Atropian practices, which is a classic pattern in many developing countries. Atropia’s ethnic Donovian population resides predominately in an enclave in the northeast tip of the country. This enclave is on the border with Donovia and has access to the Caspian Sea to the east.

Demographic Mix

Demographically, Atropia follows the classic trends for a balanced society. Women represent 50.7% of the total population, and females outlive males in Atropia by nine years, on average. About 2,336,611 males and 2,329,275 females belong to the 16-49 age group and serve as Atropia’s available manpower for military service. Of this 4.6 million, 3.7 million meet the medical standards for military service. About 84,441 males and 78,905 females reach military age annually in Atropia. It is likely that the maximum number of Atropian males ready for military service would top out at about 820,000. Atropia will likely always maintain a military advantage over its historical enemy Limaria due to its larger population, the greater number of people who reach military age each year, and its ability to fund the military through its hydrocarbon resources.

Social Volatility

Persistent conflict with Limaria exists as one of a few defining and unifying elements throughout Atropian society and creates high social volatility. The fallout over the Lower Janga conflict manifests itself as a legacy of external oppression, military defeat, and refugees. Moreover, the threat of conflict represents a useable tool for the Atropian government to justify a large military establishment and repressive internal measures. Few Atropians maintain positive feelings toward Limarians. With an increase in oil revenues and a generally positive growth in the Atropian economy, however, few Atropians harbor violent dissatisfaction with the current government. The Atropians will continue to support the current regime as indicated by the parliamentary election results last year. However, Southern Atropians do not feel represented by their government and are seeking the establishment of a separate country of ethnic Atropians that would exist in Atropia’s southern provinces and Ariana’s northwestern provinces.

While numerous reasons exist for internal conflict in Atropia, two main reasons stand out above all others—ethnocentrism (separatist movement) and nationalism. This internal strife devolved to irregular warfare as state and non-state actors struggled to gain legitimacy and influence over the populace. Sporadic violence over the last decade targeted government entities and key leaders. Several foreign-supported anti-Atropian insurgent groups operate within Atropian territory. The two dominant groups in the area of operations are the South Atropian Peoples’ Army (SAPA) and Salasyl.

Salasyl is the one of largest groups within Atropia, second only in size to SAPA. Its center of gravity is in the southeast portion of the country; however, the group is fully capable of (and does) conduct operations throughout the country. It is also reported that the group may have ties to transnational criminal and terrorist actors. The extent and dynamic of the relationship between Salasyl and these transnational actors are unknown at this time.

For the last two decades, Salasyl has engaged the current Atropian regime in a low-level insurgency. Salasyl foments violent opposition to the legitimate Atropian government by the local populace due to state taxation policies; lack of reliable public services such as electrical power, sewage, and potable water; substandard preventive medical services; lack of access to state education programs for working class citizens; and a state judicial system that illegally favors the political party currently in control of the government’s executive and legislative branches.

Due to its lack of funding, Salasyl will ambush small police patrols (on foot or in a single vehicle) in order to obtain additional weapons. These attacks will usually only result in the capture of the police officers’ pistols and rifles. In extreme instances, Salasyl will raid a police station in a small town in order to obtain small arms and ammunition.

SAPA, the other major insurgent group that relates culturally to Ariana, wants to create a separate country composed of southern Atropia and Ariana’s northwestern provinces that contain an ethnic Atropian majority. The SAPA feels that the South Atropian People’s Party (SAPP) carries little weight in the Atropian political system, and reforms to assist the local people show few signs of progress. The SAPA, while it operates throughout Atropia, focuses on eight provinces in southern and central Atropia due to cultural ties with Ariana. The SAPA operates in three separate major units—Northern, Central, and Southern Commands. The group conducts nearly all of its training in Ariana, where it receives most of its equipment and supplies. Reports indicate that Arianian Special Purpose Forces or other “advisors” may support the SAPA with logistics and training in the country. The Salasyl insurgents often clash violently with the SAPA over ideology, limited resources, and similar recruiting pools.

The Free Lower Janga Movement (FLJM) is a rebel group fighting Limarians in the greater Lower Janga region. The FLJM found a fertile recruiting ground in the IDP camps in northwestern Atropia. The FLJM is passively supported by the government of Atropia.

Additional insurgent activity present in Atropia is focused around the Bilasuvar Freedom Brigade (BFB) operating in northern Vetlia and Erdabil provinces, and the Provisional Army of Lezgin (PAL) operating in southern Erdabil and western Sirvaki Provinces. Other groups and affiliates in Atropia find themselves sympathetic to pro-Western economic initiatives and social-political concepts of state governance.

There are two violent extremist organizations based on religion that operate in Atropia. The first is One Right Path (ORP), which is a violent extremist splinter group of about 5,000 active members whose goal is the establishment of a regional Islamic Caliphate. ORP practices a variant of the Shia faith and is aggressively expanding its territorial control by taking key cities and oil reserves in southeastern Atropia. While the group may operate anywhere in the region, the primary area is a quadrilateral from Astara, Atropia, to Yerevan, Limaria, to Tbilisi, Gorgas, to Mamedkala, Donovia, and then back to Astara. ORP wants to overthrow the Atropian government and wants to limit any influence in Atropia by Donovia. While there are rumors of some sort of association with Ariana, there is nothing confirmed by any authority. Ariana does not want to be publicly associated with ORP. The group tends to operate in Atropian cities with support from local Shia and is very organized, with a highly structured chain of command. In cities that have underground passageways, the group will often meet in them or use them to move clandestinely around the city. ORP assassinates Atropian government officials and ambushes small military/police formations that it can easily overcome. The group tends to finance itself by taking control of oil-rich areas and selling the products on the black market. Its weapons tend to come from the black market, stolen from the Atropian military or police, or possibly supplied by Ariana. ORP is a very effective user of modern INFOWAR techniques, including perception management and deception. The group uses the Internet to both finance its cause and to recruit new members. ORP often infiltrates its members over the Arianian/Atropian border in small numbers, usually less than five individuals. They sometimes will link up with other ORP members, but at other times will form their own cell. The cells will operate independently or, in some instances, some of the cells may join together to conduct larger operations.

The second violent extremist splinter group is The True Believers (TTB), a Sunni-based group of about 5,000 members. Its goal is the transformation or elimination of any Muslims of the Shia faith, but eventually a worldwide Islamic Caliphate. TTB believes that slow and steady wins the race and tends to attempt to convert all Muslims to its version of Islam by face-to-face conversations. The group refuses to work with any group that does not believe as it does. TTB is doctrinally opposed to both Atropian and Arianian governments because the majority of the countries’ residents are of the Shia faith. The group only tolerates Donovia because the country is primarily Sunni. TTB does not generally work outside its area of operation, which is basically a quadrilateral from Makhachkala, Donovia, to Balakan, Atropia, to Lakeran, Atropia, to Baku, Atropia, and then back to Makhachkala. The group tends to start in the rural areas, slowly converting others to its variant of Islam and hiding in small villages in northern Atropia or in hideouts in the forested mountains in that part of the country. While TTB may attack Atropian government officials, it also clashes with Shia or other civilian nonbelievers unless they convert to the Sunni faith. TTB is very scattered, with small separate cells operating all over the area, and it may appear that there is not much structure to the group. The group uses primarily small arms, as it suffers from a dearth of heavy weapons. Most of its small arms come from the black market and are tier 3 or 4 at best. TTB seeks to intimidate any of the Shia faith so they will convert, and when the group senses weakness it will take control of a village or area. If that area has oil, TTB will sell it on the black market. There is no open relationship between Donovia and TTB, but there are some politicians in the Donovian government who believe in the aims of the group. Due to working primarily in rural areas, the group seldom uses the Internet in its INFOWAR campaign, but focuses on methods that do not use electronics—such as executions—as a means to get its point across to the other residents.

Education Level

There is a relatively high level of education among the Atropian population. The UN Human Development Index indicates an adult Atropian literacy rate of 98.8%. Atropian public education expenditures, however, remain comparatively low by regional standards. Atropia spends about 2.8% of its Gross National Product (GNP) on education. Along with stagnant spending, Atropian education demonstrates unsatisfactory progress, as 55% of students fail to meet the minimum score for national university entrance exams. Atropia maintains a robust higher education system with a number of colleges and universities. Many Atropian colleges have partnered with Western universities, including American ones. While Atropia enjoys high literacy, the government will need to invest additional resources to adequately prepare Atropian children for college, meet the increased demands of a global economy, and provide proper stewardship for Atropia’s oil wealth. For the immediate future, it remains likely that Atropia will educate enough of its populace to exploit the country’s hydrocarbon resources and make up any shortfalls by the importation of skilled labor from other countries.

Ethnic Diversity

Atropia is almost entirely ethnically Atropian with a few non-Atropians who primarily reside in border areas or Baku. The official government census probably undercounts ethnic minorities, as the official numbers of the smaller ethnic groups consistently vary from self-counts and academic assessments. Atropians represent 90.6% of the total population while Arianians represent 3%, Gilani represent 2.2%, and Donovians 1.8%. A number of smaller groups that include Limarians in the Lower Janga area comprise the remainder. Atropians dominate almost all facets of the country's political, social, and economic life. While no minority harbors considerable anti-Atropian sentiment, non-Atropians hold no significant status in the country’s cultural, economic, or social life.

Religious Diversity

The percent of Atropians who consider themselves Muslim is 95.9, but polls suggest that only about 21% of Atropians believe religion plays an important factor in their daily life. Eighty-nine percent of Atropian Muslims belong to the Shia sect, and 6.9 % are Sunni. Additionally, 2.3% are Limarian Apostolic.

While religion does not color daily life like in neighboring Ariana, data suggests that some Atropians, especially the young, increasingly self-identify as Muslims. Fifteen years ago, the Atropian government implemented a variety of methods to control incipient Islamization. These programs include the deportation of foreign (predominately Arianian) religious instructors, arrest and conviction of pro-Arianian religious elements for espionage, and the subjugation of other religious elements to government oversight. This oversight allows for government approval of mullahs and other religious authorities. Other religions require government approval, and the Atropian government uses these actions to control other religions, such as Christianity.

Atropia risks the creation of a situation where the lack of political representation creates the conditions for the rise of militant political Islam, as seen in Egypt or Ariana in the 1970s. In both cases, the lack of political pluralism funneled discontent into religious extremism. The Atropian government seems willing to run that risk as seen by its limitation on public Ashura celebrations, an important Shia holiday.

Common Languages

Atropian serves as the common language in Atropia, but Atropians often understand other languages. Large numbers of Atropians understand Donovian. By law, Atropian is the official language of Atropia, but the Atropian government protects the rights of “native” language speakers. Any US personnel who speak Donovian or Atropian will likely find themselves with the ability to communicate with Atropian residents. Those who do not speak either of these languages will need to use an interpreter.

Criminal Activity

Smuggling Tunnel on Arianian and Atropian Border

Atropia shows signs of increasingly violent crime and a high level of criminal activity. Baku, in particular, experiences a continuing problem with violent robbery gangs instead of the traditional pickpockets that inhabit many cities. However, nonviolent crimes such as theft remain the norm in Atropia. Terrorist elements have operated within Atropia in the past. Recently, terrorists targeted the American Embassy in Baku, but Atropian security forces arrested the plotters.

The US State Department strongly discourages travel within or around the borders of Lower Janga due to the threat of violence. As with many nations in the region, its central location and often corrupt police make Atropia a transit point for drugs, weapons, and trafficked persons. Most notably, Atropian law enforcement agents increased their drug seizures consistently over the last several years from 300 kilograms four years ago, to 600 kilograms three years ago, to over one metric ton of narcotics two years ago and over 1.25 metric tons last year. It remains unclear if these higher seizure figures resulted from additional narcotics traffic, increased police efficiency, or a combination of the two. A growing concern among law enforcement within Atropia is the increase in trafficking tunnels from bordering countries. These underground networks were created to shield criminal groups, such as the Donovian Mafia, and their nefarious smuggling activities from law enforcement agencies on both sides of the border. These underground facilities vary in complexity and can be quickly constructed. The exact amount of underground networks is unknown at this time; however, there are an estimated 20–30 operational tunnels.

Several phony social and nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) operate throughout Atropia. One of them is the Pan-Muslim Relief Society. This group portrays itself as an innocent charitable organization that provides shelter and a safe haven for victims displaced by violence in Lower Janga province. In reality, the society’s members prey on occupants of refugee camps, demanding “dues” and other favors in return for protection against eviction or physical violence. The National Social Media Foundation is another phony Atropian NGO. While claiming to be educational in nature, its members typically abuse their knowledge of technology by directing it toward antisocial purposes. Some disruptions fomented by this group protest government abuses, while others serve no other purpose than to spread anarchy or commit petty crimes. Perhaps the most notorious social group operating in Atropia is the Amali Diners’ Club. Its members claim that their banquets and raucous get-togethers are held for purely social and recreational purposes. In reality these gatherings provide a venue for collaboration on a variety of criminal and illegal agendas. Occasionally the police are called to quell violent outbreaks that erupt when attendees cannot come to an agreement.

Human Rights

Most international monitoring groups consider the human rights situation in Atropia to be generally poor. Issues such as the government’s intervention in elections, deaths of journalists, and harsh treatment of police detainees make the Atropian human rights situation unsatisfactory by Western standards. If judged in concert with its regional neighbors, however, Atropia possesses a moderate human rights climate, especially compared to the repression found in Ariana. In addition, the Atropian government displays negative habits, such as police corruption and a biased judiciary that often serve the government’s political goals through the detention of political dissidents. Atropian citizens, however, generally trust their police forces, something unique when compared to Atropia’s regional neighbors. While the equality of women continues to slowly improve, significant gaps remain between the genders. Still, overall, Atropia is progressive in its politics and religion compared to Ariana, and its citizens enjoy a greater degree of freedom. Unless requested by the Atropian government, US personnel will probably not be called upon to enforce human rights except as designated by the Geneva Convention and other applicable rules of warfare.

Centers of Social Power

The family serves as the primary social unit in Atropia. Some 95.9% of Atropians practice Islam. While 89% of Atropian Muslims are Shia, they do not practice their faith with the same fervor as their Arianian neighbors. Visitation to extended families serves as a primary social activity, especially in the rural areas.

Basic Cultural Norms and Values

Atropia possesses a history of military service and directs its military focus at Limaria, a Christian nation. The three-year war over the Lower Janga region continued the Muslim-Christian conflict in the region. Atropia still believes that the Lower Janga region belongs to its country and ultimately wants to force the reunification of the two areas. This goal serves as a rallying cry and a point of honor for Atropia.

Customs and Practices

Meeting & Greeting	Men shake hands and say Salam (peace). Women say Salam, but do not shake hands. Female relatives may hug or kiss.
Visiting/ Hospitality	Stand when an elderly person enters a room. Relatives and friends drop in unannounced. Host offers meal or tea with pastries, fruit, or candy. Atropians rarely eat at restaurants and only on special occasions. The host pays the entire bill and tip. If the host gives you a small bag of food to take home, it is a sign that he wants you to leave.
Manners	In formal occasions, greet men with Bey and the man’s given (first) name. Use ami or dayi (uncle) after a man’s given name or hanum (Miss or Mrs.) after a woman’s given name. People of the same age call each other by their first names. Eat with fork in left hand and knife in right hand. The cook serves the meal to each person.
Cultural Dos & Don’ts	Men are breadwinners; women take care of the home. Women are more traditional in rural areas than in urban areas. Neatness in clothing is valued. Women sometimes wear heavy makeup. Men and women wear Western-style clothing, but traditional clothing may be worn in rural areas. Young women wear a light kerchief; older men wear a lambskin hat. It is ok to point with the finger at objects, but not at people. The “thumbs-up” sign demonstrates acceptance or a positive response to a question.
Gifts	Guests bring gifts—flowers, candy, or pastries.
Taboos	Do not dress sloppily. Do not serve yourself at a meal Remove shoes before entering a mosque. Do not cross your legs, chew gum, or smoke in the presence of elders. Do not raise your voice when speaking to peers or elders. Do not use the left hand for any interaction unless the right hand is occupied. Do not use the “ok” sign with the index finger and thumb in a circle—it is considered obscene. Atropians usually do not marry in the months of Muharram, Safar, and Ramadan due to religious beliefs. Do not talk openly about sex and the body in public areas.
Personal Space	No concept of personal space. In lines or crowded spaces, Atropians prefer not to stand close to strangers of the opposite gender.
Displays of Affection	Public displays of affection are frowned upon, even more so in rural areas than urban areas.
Marriage Rituals	Marriage age for women is 18. Despite a six-year-old Atropian law to outlaw bride kidnapping, qiz qacirmaq (capture) and goshulop gachmak (elopement) still take place. If a woman is raped, her family considers the woman unpure and usually forces her to marry the rapist. Normal marriage procedures: Preliminary Notification (check out the female); Prior Wooing (important family members from both sides meet); Wooing (families meet to decide on the Mehriye, or marriage money for the girl); Engagement (entire families meet at the bride’s house). People do a traditional dance—the Asma Kasma—as they escort the bride to the groom’s house. People do a traditional dance—the Anzali—at the wedding celebration.
Work Week/ Work Hours	Monday to Friday, 40 hours per week with a Saturday-Sunday weekend. Normal work hours are 0900-1700, but late starts and long lunches are not uncommon. Restaurants in Baku usually open from 1100 to 2300 daily, but operating hours for rural restaurants depend on the clientele. Bazaars are usually open only in the mornings.
Concept Of Time	More relaxed than the Western world, but the urban areas such as Baku are becoming more time- conscious.
Dispute Resolution	No formal customs for dispute resolution.
Birth Rituals	Relatives of newly married women like them to hold babies, put a baby on the newlyweds’ bed, and throw the bride’s veil on the branches of a fruit-bearing tree to express their desires for the bride to become a mother. While pregnant, the woman tries to be cordial and affable for the baby’s health. Pregnant women try to look at beautiful colors, still water, and the blue sky to have a healthy baby. After the baby is born, others bathe it with salt so it will be truthful, bold, and smart. When babies get their first tooth, they receive a special meal of seven grains to make their teeth grow faster. The baby’s fingernails and hair are not cut until the baby reaches the age of 1. The nails are wrapped in a clean cloth and hidden in a crack in the floor or wall. The parents keep the baby’s hair from its first haircut.
Death Rituals	When someone is dying, they are made comfortable, distant relatives are called, and a clergyman is summoned to read the Koran. After the person dies, his jaw, feet, and both thumbs are tied together. A funeral takes place less than 15 hours after death. The body is washed and shrouded in white cloth by the same gender. The corpse is buried without a coffin. Ritual prayers are performed along with comments about the person’s life. Condolence visits last from 3-7 days at the house of the deceased. Relatives do not wear any new garments for 40 days (up to two years in some locations). In some areas, men do not shave for 40 days. Halvah (sweet cake) is served at the cemetery on the special remembrance days for the deceased—3rd day, 7th day, 40th day, and a year after death.

Summary

Atropian society represents a secularized Muslim country. Atropia wants to adopt Western attitudes culturally while simultaneously seeking to retain traditional Atropian characteristics such as their language. While the Atropian government often acts heavy-handedly and exhibits some corruption, there is considerable latitude socially when measured against comparable neighbors, such as Ariana. The potential for fundamentalist Islamization of the Atropian population remains, especially as the response to a lack of political pluralism. Aggressive Islam, however, could well find rocky soil in Atropia, as the high levels of secularization will keep cultural Muslims from the adoption of an aggressive, politically Muslim identity. Atropians will likely continue their path to espouse more Western social standards as the population continues to become more urbanized. The effects of centuries of Islamic practices, however, will continue to echo in Atropian thought. The outcome will likely result in a uniquely Atropian state and maintain Atropia’s place as a cultural crossroads between the Islamic Middle East and Europe.