Difference between revisions of "Pemba Island Native Army"

Latest revision as of 20:46, 2 July 2020

DATE Africa > Non-State Threat Actors and Conditions > Pemba Island Native Army ←You are here

PINA Insignia

Relations between Amari and the native people of Pemba Island have at times been strained. As Amari has utilized more of the island for resource traffic and commercial purposes, the natives, who dominate the southern portion of the island, have pushed for recognition as a semi-autonomous territory. Most of the political conflict has been about what the natives view as onerous Amari policies. The natives largely cooperate with Amari policing efforts on the island, but occasionally push back.

Pemba Island

PINA enjoys the general goodwill of significant portions of the island – particularly the southern half — where they have solid support of villagers and local constabulary. They have cooperated with government anti-crime efforts, but have been known to attack BGC patrols that venture into "liberated territories."

Low-level violence and vandalism has been directed against Amari officials and BGC units tasked with providing security on the island. While PINA is largely bluster, radical elements break out and have attacked state forces and anyone they deem an “outsider.” The most violent acts usually follow pressing of Amari policies and BGC patrols. PINA has been highly effective in manipulating public perceptions through an aggressive and sophisticated social media operation. The loosely-affiliated “Pemba Digital Army (PDA)” is thought to provide offensive cyber capabilities to PINA. There have been unconfirmed reports of the PDA providing their capabilities to other actors in the region in exchange for resources or access.

PINA’s actions are usually limited to vandalism and an enthusiastic INFOWAR campaign, but have occasionally risen to include small-scale attacks with small arms and improvised incendiaries (drive-by shootings and fire bombings). Air defense capabilities are rumored. PINA is predominantly neutral to the government of Amari until they perceive the mainland’s policies as crossing a loosely-defined line.

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-[[File:PINA v1.png|thumb|right|PINA Insignia]]Relations between Amari and the native people of Pemba Island have at times been strained.  As Amari has utilized more of the island for resource routing and commercial purposes, the natives, which dominate the southern portion of the island have pushed for recognition as a semi-autonomous territory.  Most of the political conflict has been about what the natives view as onerous Amari policies.  They natives have largely cooperated with Amari policing efforts on the island, but have occasionally pushed back.
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+[[Africa|DATE Africa]] &gt; [[DATE Africa Non-State Threat Actors and Conditions|Non-State Threat Actors and Conditions]] &gt; '''{{PAGENAME}}''' &larr;You are here
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+[[File:PINA v1.png|thumb|right|PINA Insignia]]Relations between Amari and the native people of Pemba Island have at times been strained.  As Amari has utilized more of the island for resource traffic and commercial purposes, the natives, who dominate the southern portion of the island, have pushed for recognition as a semi-autonomous territory.  Most of the political conflict has been about what the natives view as onerous Amari policies.  The natives largely cooperate with Amari policing efforts on the island, but occasionally push back.
 [[File:Pemba Island Map.png|thumb|left|Pemba Island]]
-PINA enjoys the general goodwill of significant portions of the island – particularly the southern half, where they have solid support of villagers and local constabulary.  They have cooperated with government anti-crime efforts, but have been known to attack BGC patrols that venture into “liberated territories.”
+PINA enjoys the general goodwill of significant portions of the island – particularly the southern half — where they have solid support of villagers and local constabulary.  They have cooperated with government anti-crime efforts, but have been known to attack BGC patrols that venture into "liberated territories."
 Low-level violence and vandalism has been directed against Amari officials and BGC units tasked with providing security on the island. While PINA is largely bluster, radical elements break out and have attacked state forces and anyone they deem an “outsider.”  The most violent acts usually follow pressing of Amari policies and BGC patrols.
+PINA has been highly effective in manipulating public perceptions through an aggressive and sophisticated social media operation.  The loosely-affiliated “Pemba Digital Army (PDA)” is thought to provide offensive cyber capabilities to PINA.  There have been unconfirmed reports of the PDA providing their capabilities to other actors in the region in exchange for resources or access.
+PINA’s actions are usually limited to vandalism and an enthusiastic INFOWAR campaign, but have occasionally risen to include small-scale attacks with small arms and improvised incendiaries (drive-by shootings and fire bombings). Air defense capabilities are rumored.  PINA is predominantly neutral to the government of Amari until they perceive the mainland’s policies as crossing a loosely-defined line.
-Actions of PINA are usually vandalism and an enthusiastic INFOWAR campaign, but have risen to include low-level attacks with small arms and improvised incendiaries (drive-by shootings and fire bombings). Rumored attempted AD attacks possible.
-Highly effective activist social media presence. Rumored cooperation with other group to provide offensive cyber operations (“Pemba Digital Army”).
 ''See also: [[Chapter 2: Insurgents|TC 7-100.3 Irregular Opposing Forces, Chapter 2: Insurgents]] & [[Chapter 3: Guerrillas]]''
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 [[Category:Africa]]
 [[Category:Amari]]
-[[Category:Non-State Actors]]
+[[Category:Africa Non-State Actors]]
-[[Category:Threat Actors]]
+[[Category:Africa Threat Actors]]