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Difference between revisions of "Nyumba"

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|conventional_long_name = Nyumba
 
|conventional_long_name = Nyumba
 
|common_name = Nyumba
 
|common_name = Nyumba
|image_flag = Official Flag of Ariana.png
+
|image_flag = File:Nyumba Flag.png
|alt_flag = Vertical bicolor (green, red) with a pair of white crossed sabers under a white flame in the center of the flag.
+
|alt_flag = Nyumba Flag
|image_map = Ariana.png
+
|image_map = File:Nyumba Overview Map short.PNG
|alt_map = Location of Ariana on the globe.
+
|alt_map = Nyumba Overview Map (without legend)
 
|official_languages =  
 
|official_languages =  
 
  {{unbulleted list
 
  {{unbulleted list
   | {{nowrap|58.0% Persian Dialects}}
+
   | {{nowrap|Nyumban Arabic}}
   | 26.0% Turkic Dialects
+
   | Swahili
  | 9.0% Kurdish
+
   | English
  | 2.0% Luri
 
  | 1.0% Baluchi
 
  | 1.0% Arabic
 
  | 1.0% Kalarian
 
   | 2.0% Other
 
 
  }}
 
  }}
|demonym = Arianian
+
|demonym = Nyumban
 
|ethnic_groups =
 
|ethnic_groups =
 
  {{unbulleted list
 
  {{unbulleted list
   | {{nowrap|51.0% Persian}}
+
   | {{nowrap|Lisimbai 5%}}
   | 24.0% Atropian
+
   | Machupa 5%
   | 8.0% Gilaki or Mazandarani
+
   | Dakaria 4%
   | 7.0% Kurd
+
   | Adongo 7%
   | 3.0% Arab
+
   | Abedi 4%
   | 2.0% Lur
+
  | Kajana 5%
   | 2.0% Baluch
+
   | Wangari 9%
   | 2.0% Turkmen
+
   | Mpasa 8%
   | 1.0% Other
+
   | Killima 32%
}}
+
   | Tajammu 21%
 +
}}
 
|religion =  
 
|religion =  
 
  {{unbulleted list
 
  {{unbulleted list
   | {{nowrap|89.0% Shia Muslim}}
+
   | {{nowrap|90.0% Muslim}}
   | 9.0% Sunni Muslim
+
   | 7.0% Christian
   | 2.0% Other
+
   | 3.0% Other Indigenous
 
  }}
 
  }}
|capital = Tehran
+
|capital = Kismayo
|largest_city = Tehran (12 million)
+
|largest_city = Kismayo (183,300)
|government_type = Theocracy
+
|government_type = Democratic (autocracy)
|leader_title1 = Supreme Leader
+
|leader_title1 = President
|leader_name1 = Ayatollah Mahmood Mekhenei
+
|leader_name1 =  
|leader_title2 = President
+
|leader_title2 =  
|leader_name2 = Ahmad Moudin
+
|leader_name2 =  
|legislature = Unicameral Legislature
+
|legislature = Three branched
 
|area_rank =  <!--Demographic Yearbook 1.-->
 
|area_rank =  <!--Demographic Yearbook 1.-->
|area_magnitude = 1 E11
+
|area_magnitude =  
|area_sq_mi = 588,764 <!--Do not remove per [[WP:MOSNUM]]-->
+
|area_sq_mi = <!--Do not remove per [[WP:MOSNUM]]-->
|population_estimate = 8,372,373
+
|population_estimate =  
|population_estimate_rank = 129th <!--UN World Population Prospects-->
+
|population_estimate_rank = <!--UN World Population Prospects-->
|population_estimate_year = July 2016
+
|population_estimate_year =  
|population_density_sq_mi =  8,372,373 <!--Do not remove per [[WP:MOSNUM]]-->
+
|population_density_sq_mi =  <!--Do not remove per [[WP:MOSNUM]]-->
|population_density_rank = 167th <!--UN World Population Prospects-->
+
|population_density_rank = <!--UN World Population Prospects-->
|GDP_nominal = $85.77 billion
+
|GDP_nominal = $2.9 billion
|GDP_nominal_year = 2016
+
|GDP_nominal_year =  
|sovereignty_type = Theocracy
+
|sovereignty_type =  
|time_zone = [[West Africa Time|WAT]]
+
|time_zone = EAT (GMT+3)
|footnote_a = This is a footnote.
+
|footnote_a =  
}}Ariana is a true theocracy, with every significant political action affected by the clerical class. A brutally efficient military ensures the continuation of the current power structure, while a sham representative government appeases or distracts Western interests. Ariana’s military is second only to Donovia in strength, and regularly exercises dominance and maintains connections with criminal and terror groups. Reportedly, Ariana has nuclear weapons and three identified nuclear sites. Ariana possesses massive oil and gas reserves in its southwest region along the Persian Gulf, and provides relatively modern infrastructure with big cities and a complex transportation architecture. Ariana’s government is aggressive, capable, revolutionary, and intent on spreading its vision of Islamic governance and the establishment of a new Arianian hegemony throughout the region. The majority of Arianians are Shia Muslim, and all citizens suffer from a lack of information due to the government’s strict regulations on media.
+
}}Nyumba is a troubled nation and has had little in the form of democracy since its inception. It has been primarily ruled by authoritarian governments and wracked with internal turmoil and paranoia about perceived external threats. It is suspicious of regional government alliances with western countries and, particularly, what the Nyumba government leaders see as international meddling in its sovereign domestic and regional concerns.
[[Category:DATE|000]]
+
 
[[Category:Caucasus]]
+
The government is authoritarian in all aspects. Beginning fifty-nine years ago, a military coup overthrew the newly elected civilian government, lasting only six years before an Islamist government took power. While the government remains Sharia law-based, tribal influences permeate and dominate the government as well. Economic, religious, ethnic, and tribal interests collide, collude, and complicate the politics of Nyumba and have led to decades of civil war and other internal conflicts. These conflicts have threatened border countries with refugees and provided a safe haven for terrorists, insurgents, criminals, and other disrupters. These deep-seated challenges show no signs of dissipating.  
[[Category:Ariana]]
 
  
 
__TOC__
 
__TOC__
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==Political==
 
==Political==
 
{{Main article|Political: Nyumba}}
 
{{Main article|Political: Nyumba}}
At the heart of political power in Ariana is the Council of Guardians Revolution. The Revolution considers itself the vanguard of proper Islamic sentiment on the planet, and the heart of a global conversion to its version of Islam. The Revolution has successfully defended itself from both internal and external threats, and remains committed to the export of its vision of theocratic rule.
+
Nyumba has had little in the form of democracy since its inception. It has been primarily ruled by authoritarian governments and wracked with internal turmoil and paranoia about perceived external threats. It is suspicious of regional government alliances with western countries and, particularly, what the Nyumba government leaders see as international meddling in its sovereign domestic and regional concerns.
 +
 
 +
The government is authoritarian in all aspects. Beginning fifty-nine years ago, a military coup overthrew the newly elected civilian government, lasting only six years before an Islamist government took power. While the government remains Sharia law-based, tribal influences permeate and dominate the government as well. Economic, religious, ethnic, and tribal interests collide, collude, and complicate the politics of Nyumba and have led to decades of civil war and other internal conflicts. These conflicts have threatened border countries with refugees and provided a safe haven for terrorists, insurgents, criminals, and other disrupters. These deep-seated challenges show no signs of dissipating.
 +
 
 +
The center of political power resides in the authoritarian government, supported by the interests of a variety of regional groups. The ruling party, the National People’s Party (NPP), controls the unicameral legislature, the National Congress (NC). The president has the power to dissolve and recall the NC and has used this mechanism on occasions when it fits the political need of the president. Regional militias, such as the Tajammu, are used to crush political opposition and punish those it deems a threat. The military remains loyal due, in large measure, to the legal and illegal money-generating opportunities afforded it. These revenue streams allow it to give the rank and file in the military better-than-average salaries and perks. All of this is calculated to keep the ruling party in power.  
  
 
==Military==
 
==Military==
 
{{Main article|Military: Nyumba}}
 
{{Main article|Military: Nyumba}}
Ariana has an extensive history of various types of operations, from sponsorship of proxy terrorism  to sustained force-on-force conflict. This history forms the basis for the military leadership mindset. The legacy of changing political boundaries between Ariana and its neighbors over the last century never terminated satisfactorily for the countries’ ethnic groups, familial-clan geographical demographics, or theological divisions.
+
The Nyumban Armed Forces (NAF) is the state military of Nyumba and is key to the country’s stability. It has experienced significant challenges from both the various threat actors in Nyumba, and distrust within its ranks and from politicians. Civilian distrust is particularly high, leading to widespread tribalism and the rise of armed militias. Its composition and deployments are driven by political desires to maintain control of key forces and the de facto ceding of territory to tribes or armed groups. The NAF consists of the Nyumban National Army (NNA), the Nyumban Armed Forces Air Corps, and the Nyumban Navy. The Nyumban National Security Service controls a paramilitary group, the Rapid Security Forces (RSF) which is usually deployed in support of border and anti-insurgency operations. The NAF has inherited a varied structure and culture due to several regime changes and colonial legacy. The lawlessness of the territory and general instability has heightened both political and military leaders’ wariness of the forces.
 +
 
 +
Rather than adequately resourcing its forces, Nyumba has historically accepted peacekeeping force contribution and foreign advisors to help keep its force relatively functional and trained. The military, despite its ideological purges and the weakening of discipline because of the introduction of ideological affinities in officers’ promotions, remains a traditional army that sees itself as "national" and non-tribal. Successive governments in Nyumba have relied on tribally-recruited militias to augment the national armed forces.
  
 
==Economic==
 
==Economic==
 
{{Main article|Economic: Nyumba}}
 
{{Main article|Economic: Nyumba}}
The Caucasus countries that possess hydrocarbon resources will continue to depend on the oil and gas industries to drive their economies, while those that do not possess such resources will attempt  to tie themselves to hydrocarbon-rich nations. Both Ariana and Atropia face geopolitical difficulties in exporting their oil and natural gas. Bordered by adversaries, the Arianians and Atropians must rely on tenuous routes to export their resources. For Gorgas and Limaria, which lack extractive or mature industries, transshipment of hydrocarbon products or providing other services to oil-wealthy countries will be their primary short- to medium-term means to achieve economic development. Donovia continues to recover from a collapse two decades ago that crippled its economy. All nations of the Caucasus have relatively high inefficiency due to corruption, government involvement in the economy, and/or lack of export industry development.
+
By most modern standards, Nyumba is a very weak or failed state economically. A relatively small group of powerful individuals controls the financial, trade, banking, and commodity sectors within the country. The main focus of this group is to ensure that they remain in power and control of the country and its economy. Manipulation of all resources to further the wealth and gain of the group is a common theme. To this end the leadership maintains low levels of regulation and oversight of economic activities to gain the most revenue possible. Legitimate and illicit economic activities exist on equal footing in Nyumba with the poorer population bearing the burden.
 
 
Ariana’s economy has pockets of economic vitality but suffers from governmental legislation and regulation that restrict its growth. Ariana’s Gross Domestic Product (GDP) consistently improves about 4-6% annually and even reached 7-8% growth in 2007. Much of Ariana’s GDP growth,  however, depends on hydrocarbon revenues that make up the largest sector of the Arianian economy and suffer the whims of international market commodity prices. The Arianian government continues to push for greater market liberalization and reform, but large Arianian special interests are expected to continue blocking economic progressive legislation to prevent any decrease in their power. Additionally, the government plays a significant role in the Arianian economy; its social welfare policies fund various charities and numerous subsidies for commodities ranging from foodstuffs to gasoline.
 
  
Ariana’s economy is a series of contrasts. While a population surge reached the labor market over  the last decade, Arianian unemployment continued to decrease over the same period. While trade and finance sanctions create significant foreign investment obstacles, overseas trade—especially  with East Asian countries—continues to grow as Asia desires raw hydrocarbon resources and Ariana seeks finished consumer goods. Although Ariana’s industrial sector continues as one of the region’s strongest, its factories suffer from international sanctions on the parts and technology needed to update its hardware and techniques.
+
Nyumba’s economy is best characterized as unbridled capitalism. The government has few economic control measures in place and has little influence over the financial dealings of its citizens. The ruling elite of the country use their position for personal gain with significant corruption and manipulation of the economy in all levels of government. The country ranks high on the GINI index of the distribution of income within the economy with those in the ruling elite holding 85% of the wealth. There are some tribal influences in the government and its handling of the economy but by and large the main factor is those in power do whatever is necessary to remain in control. The group is characterized by a diplomat’s recent comment, “shameless looters who are living in luxury while showing breathtaking indifference [to their people].
  
President Ahmad Moudin’s financial policies support his populist agenda, including an expansionary fiscal policy. Moudin continues to support massive subsidies for the populace; energy subsidies alone account for approximately 12% of Ariana’s GDP. The People’s Wealth Fund (PWF), which uses oil revenue proceeds as a hedge against the volatile price fluctuations on the international petroleum market, supports oil subsidies to the Arianian people. The high oil prices of the last decade filled the PWF coffers with enough revenue to pursue Moudin’s populist policies, like fuel subsidies, and possibly provided funds to continue Ariana’s investment in nuclear technology.
+
The country’s basic infrastructure does not support economic growth. Few modernized roads, no rail lines, power distribution grid, pipelines, or other basic infrastructure severely restricts the government’s ability to launch economic development. Lack of basic infrastructure does lend itself to development opportunities if the government can find the funds or investors interested in undertaking high risk projects. A recent railroad construction project between Kismaayo and Lamu is a prime example. The government is funding a $1.1B loan for the project through the Olvana Export-Import Bank and an Olvanan construction company is leading the project.
  
As a result of Ariana’s successful nuclear weapons program, the US Treasury enacted sanctions against Ariana that hamper its international and domestic economic systems and promote policy changes. In addition, the US hopes the sanctions will deter Ariana from providing financial support to Middle East terrorists.
+
With oil as the main revenue generating resource for the country, the economy is subject to commodity value swings. The recent downturn in worldwide oil prices is reflected in the GDP trending downward and the government running an ongoing deficit.   To counter the trend, the Nyumban Finance Minister recently announced production targets for the coming year at double that of prior years and implementation of some economic austerity measures.  
  
 
==Social==
 
==Social==
 
{{Main article|Social: Nyumba}}
 
{{Main article|Social: Nyumba}}
Ariana enjoys an ancient heritage and rich culture. Ariana possesses a well-documented reputation as the center of knowledge, art, poetry, and mathematics in the region that dates back thousands of years. Most Arianians are proud of their nation and consider themselves Arianians and/or Persians, dependent on their ethnic group.
+
Nyumba enjoys an ancient heritage and rich culture. It has combined its Arabic and African roots to create a uniquely Nyumbaan culture. Nyumbaans are very proud of their culture
  
Over the last few years, radical Arianian powerbrokers with extremist world views have provided sanctuary to international terrorists. Ariana also sponsored the proxy wars of the Shia Internationalist Brigades and the Martyr’s Army versus Israel, as well as training and/or supplying Arianian Shia insurgent groups such as local Shia Internationalist Brigades. Ariana continues to threaten Israel, the US, and their allies with its domestically popular and successful nuclear  weapons program.
+
Due to Nyumba’s repressive regime and its inability to cope with the economic and societal difficulties that follow with natural disasters, civil wars, and other conflicts, the importance of tribal and family relationships is more profound and pronounced in Nyumba. Like other regional countries, rural families are dependent upon their ties to larger tribal structures. Where Nyumba differs is in its total societal dependence on these relationships, even in more urban areas were these familial structures tend to loosen in other regional countries. The poverty endemic in the country as a whole, requires that families band together for survival.
  
Since President Ahmad Moudin took power in 2003, his continual references to the 12th Imam’s imminent return and the establishment of an Islamic Caliphate stir the Shia faithful to action.   The rhetoric also diverts increasing social discontent to a common foreign enemy—the US and its infidel allies, such as Israel and Egypt. As long as religious zealots control the government, it remains likely that Ariana and the US will never become allies in the Caucasus region.
+
These family and extended tribal relationships have also had a direct impact on the political direction of the country. The government of Nyumba is beholden to and dependent upon tribal relationships to stay in power. For example, the tribe-based Tajammu militias receive perks and patronage from the government for conducting paramilitary and extra-legal operations on behalf of the government.
  
Social discontent and civil unrest continue to rise in Ariana. Tens of thousands of people protested the last election (August 2009), in which Moudin received the most votes in what many observers perceived as a rigged election. The perception by many Arianian citizens of deeply ingrained government corruption, skewed wealth distribution, high inflation, and high unemployment rates continue to drive this discontent and unrest. Protests, to include student organized protests, persist even to date in Tehran.
+
==Information==
 
+
{{Main article|Information: Nyumba}}
Regardless of these problems, the Arianian populace still enjoys a higher living standard than many regional neighbors. Ariana is not a poor nation. The Arianian poor generally earn more than $2 per day, the United Nations (UN) poverty standard. The government, however, states that only 18% of its citizens live below the poverty line. The Arianian people’s discontent may eventually lead to minor governmental changes but likely will not result in any fundamental changes to the Arianian political situation.
+
Nyumba’s population is non-technical with radio and word of mouth (WoM) as their primary information sources. A select segment of the population, (those with money or influence), have access to and use the latest information technologies. The government leadership, social, and financial elite, and military leadership maintains power over the population through control of the media and exploitation of the latest technologies. Those in power use their status to sanction and benefit from the exploitation of information. This includes hosting e-criminal enterprises that seek to exploit regional and international targets. Information systems complement or support other typical criminal activity: smuggling, cyber theft, human trafficking, and hostage data.
  
Most citizens enjoy clean water and electricity, most attend primary and secondary schools, and most urban citizens have access to phone services. Literacy rates remain very high in Ariana (77%), and over 80% complete high school. Each year, over one million high school graduates apply for entrance into Arianian universities. The more educated the Arianian public becomes, however, the more likely that they will speak out against the theocracy.
+
The government controls all media outlets in Nyumba. Television, radio, print, and internet are all under government control or censorship. Even though the laws and constitution of the country stipulate freedom of speech and press, in practice the government restricts private media by failing to issue or suspending any operating licenses. The World Press Freedom ranking for Nyumba is 170th out of 180 countries. This control typically intensifies just prior to elections or when the government is being criticized by the public. Government intelligence agencies block any access to opposition information and actively work to discredit any sources contrary to the government message.
  
==Information==
+
The government controls all communication technologies--internet, satellite phones, cell phones, satellite television. Generally, the population does not have access to these technologies due to lack of infrastructure or no economic means to get access. Very limited access to satellite television is available for purchase from both commercial and black market sources but the cost is high and prohibitive for the majority of the population.  
{{Main article|Information: Nyumba}}
 
Ariana is a repressive information environment, with the government controlling all important information environment elements. Ariana is one of the most sophisticated nations in the world at information control, utilizing advanced capabilities to monitor and direct communications. Despite this, the fragmented Arianian opposition uses the Internet extensively, though its ultimate effect on the political environment is mixed at best. Ariana’s INFOWAR capability is generally good, with pockets of excellence in a variety of disciplines.
 
  
 
==Infrastructure==
 
==Infrastructure==
{{Main article|Infrastructure: Nyumba}}
+
{{Main article|Nyumba Infrastructure}}
While the region’s five countries have a significant number of rural residents, the majority of each country’s population lives in urban areas. About two-thirds of the Arianian (68%), Donovian (67%), and Limarian populace (64%) and just over half of the Gorgan (53%) and Atropian (52%) populace  live in urban areas. All five countries contain a mixture of modern urban cities and almost pre- modern rural villages. Modern utilities can be found in most major cities but not in the rural villages and countryside.
+
Nyumba is the least populated and least densely populated country in the region. The limited infrastructure is significantly degraded. Most of the population and development is concentrated along the Tana and Juba Rivers, and the Indian Ocean ports of Lamu and Kismaayo. Paved roads are limited to the main artery running from Moyale in the north to Isiolo on the Amari border, and a 150 km strip from Kismaayo running northeast to Jilib.
  
The Arianian infrastructure resembles a patchwork quilt with a mixture of modernization and obsolescence. While previous Arianian leaders made substantial investments, the infrastructure now faces significant challenges from the stresses of both war and peace. While rail, road, air, and seaports are marginally adequate, the natural gas and oil infrastructure suffers from archaic construction. Environmental and population pressures on aquifers, along with considerable pollution levels, create significant stress on water and other natural resources. Over 40% of Ariana’s more than 77 million people reside in its 18 largest cities, all of which have at least 350,000 residents.
+
Nyumba has the least developed infrastructure in the region. It is only partially connected to regional infrastructure networks. The exception is the northern portion of a transcontinental road corridor that connects southern Africa with the Red Sea. It depends entirely on imported electricity and refined petroleum. Despite its poverty and lack of development, in most years Nyumbans have access to sustainable water resources.  
  
 
==Physical Environment==
 
==Physical Environment==
 
{{Main article|Physical Environment: Nyumba}}
 
{{Main article|Physical Environment: Nyumba}}
Over 200,000 square miles comprise the Caucasus, a mountainous region located between the Black Sea and Caspian Sea. The Caucasus includes Atropia, Limaria, and Gorgas, as well as parts of Ariana, Donovia, and Kalaria. The Caucasus Mountains, consisting of the Greater and Lesser Caucasus ranges, traditionally form the separation between Europe and Asia. The Caucasus region contains two major parts—the North Caucasus and the South Caucasus—that are divided by the Greater Caucasus Mountains. The North Caucasus region is contained entirely within Donovia, while the South Caucasus contains Gorgas, Limaria, Atropia, and parts of Ariana and Kalaria.
+
Nyumba is a moderately large country located in eastern Africa. It borders one major body of water: the Indian Ocean and encompasses two others, Lake Turkana and Lake Logipi. The country’s terrain varies from a significant rift valley, high mountains and arid desert lowlands, as well as coastal plains, with climates ranging from east, tropical to semiarid and in the west, warm desert and arid and humid near the coast.  
 +
 
 +
Nyumba’s land area is approximately 165,417 square miles in Eastern Africa. It shares 1,245 miles of border with Amari to the south and three bodies of water—the Indian Ocean and Lake Turkana. Additionally, there is a smaller body of water, Lake Logipi just south of Lake Turkana. The country’s varied terrain includes mountainous highlands, high plateaus, deep valleys, lowland plains, and sandy beaches.
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 +
Irregular in shape, Nyumba’s long axis runs northwest to southeast. Beginning at the former, Nyumba’s southwest of its border runs parallel North Eastern Rift Valley which encompasses Lake Turkana. Mountain ranges run parallel to Nyumba’s north western border. The mountain ranges vary in elevation, 2,624 feet to it’s approximate highest elevations to 7,217 feet at the peak of Mount Kulal. Progressing eastward from Mount Kulal, the terrain becomes largely flat open desert with elevations ranging approximately 1,500 feet to 2,100 feet. Faza (73 sq miles), Lamu (23 sq miles), and Kiwayu (5 sq miles) Islands lie southeast of the mainland and is the country’s southernmost land mass. The highest point in Nyumba is at 7,497 feet, while the lowest is at sea level on the Indian Ocean coast.  
  
 
==Time==
 
==Time==
 
{{Main article|Time: Nyumba}}
 
{{Main article|Time: Nyumba}}
The Caucasus countries, for the most part, do not believe in the sensitivity of time, and do not view punctuality or the importance of time as the US and most other Western countries do. Most of the people in the region do not view time as a resource and do not feel any compulsion to effectively manage their time. The people in the Caucasus region do not make the connection between effective use of their time and production. This lack of time consciousness will likely frustrate US soldiers as they work with their allies, but it will also give the US a battlefield advantage against its enemies.
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Nyumba uses the Gregorian calendar. However, within that daily routine great importance is paid to the rising and setting of the sun. Since Nyumba straddles the equator, there is little difference in the hours of daylight seen in the Summer or Winter. As is common in equatorial Africa, none of the regional countries observe Daylight Savings Time (DST).  
 +
 
 +
Once the differing approach to time is understood, business in Nyumba should be straightforward.  Attempting to impose a Western approach to time will not benefit either party. This is the case in the cities as well as the countryside.
 +
==Significant Non-State Threat Actors and Conditions==
 +
{| class="wikitable sortable"
 +
|+ Significant Non-State Threat Actors and Conditions in the OE, {{CURRENTYEAR}}
 +
!Group Name!!Type!!Country!! class="unsortable" |Description
  
==Threat Actor Chart==
 
{| class="wikitable"
 
 
|-
 
|-
! scope="col" | Threat Actor
+
|[[Civil Militias]]
! scope="col" | Organization Type
+
||Militia
! scope="col" | OE
+
||Nyumba
! scope="col" | Activities
+
||Nyumban civil militia groups operate and thrive in conditions of state disintegration in areas with little or no state control. Many of the roving gangs will be younger, but groups of older men and possibly women may arm themselves to respond to threats. Civil militia groups are often organized along very narrow political lines, religious intolerance, and ethnic exclusion. The emergence of civil militia-controlled areas has created problems for border enforcement and the lucrative mining and tourism sectors.
! scope="col" | Targets
+
 
 
|-
 
|-
! scope="row" | Salasyl
+
|[[Hizbul al-Harakat]]
| Insurgent
+
||Violent Extremist
| Southeast Atropia with nation-wide capabilities
+
||Nyumba
| Possible ties to transnational criminal and terrorist actors. Has engaged the Atropian regime in a lowlevel insurgency for the past 20 years. Promotes violent populace opposition to state taxation policies, unreliable public services, substandard medical preventive services, inaccessible state education programs for working class citizens, and a judicial system that illegally favors the ruling political party. Salasyl and South Atropian People's Army (SAPA) insurgents often clash violently over ideology, limited resources, and similar recruiting pools.
+
||[[File:Al-Harakat flag.JPG|50px|left|al-Harakat flag]]Hizbul al-Harakat, more commonly known as ''al-Harakat'' is a jihadist fundamentalist group based in central East Africa. Its leadership had previously pledged itself to the militant Islamist organization Al-Qaeda, but quarrels and interpersonal conflicts led to al-Harakat distancing itself from the group. Since then, the group has withdrawn from the major cities, controlling a few rural in the rough maintains of western [[Nyumba]]. The group describes its purpose as waging jihad against "enemies of Islam."
| Atropian government facilities and leaders
+
 
 
|-
 
|-
! scope="row" | South Atropian People's Army (SAPA)
+
|[[Islamic Front in the Heart Africa|Islamic Front in the Heart Africa (AFITHA)]]
| Insurgent
+
||Violent Extremist
| Focuses on eight provinces in the south with cultural ties to Ariana
+
|| -''Multiple''
| Primary goal is to create a separate country composed of southern Atropia and Ariana's northwestern provinces. Receives most of its training, equipment, and supplies from Ariana. SAPA and Salasyl insurgents often clash  violently over ideology, limited resources, and similar recruiting pools.
+
||[[File:220px-AQMI Flag svg.png|50px|left|The black flag variant used by AFITHA]]AFITHA is an Islamist militant organization which aims to overthrow the Amari government and institute an Islamic state. To that end, it is currently engaged in an anti-government campaign. As an affiliate of Al Qaeda in the Islamic Magreb (AQIM), it aligns its movement with AQIM’s broader goals to institute shariah (Islamic law) in all its areas of operation, although its operations in the region have been more practical than its northern component. Its operations in Amari, Ziwa, and northern Kujenga appear to be more focused on ridding the region of "Western impurities" than solely religious ideology.  
| Atropian government facilities and leaders
+
 
 
|-
 
|-
! scope="row" | Bilasuvar Freedom Brigade (BFB)
+
|[[Tajammu Militias]]
| Insurgent
+
||Militia
| Northern Vetlia and Erdabil Provinces
+
||Nyumba
| Donovia supports the BFB, creating political tension between Donovia and Atropia.
+
||The Tajammu is a violent militia comprised of Nyumban Arab tribes and disaffected camel herding tribes of the Nyumban northern region. They are currently in conflict with Nyumban [[Civil Militias|civil militias]] in central Nyumba and [[Hizbul al-Harakat]] elements in the Nyumban western region. They have been one of the main drivers of violence throughout the region.  
| Atropian government facilities and leaders
+
 
|-
 
! scope="row" | Provisional Army of Lezgin (PAL)
 
| Insurgent
 
| Southern Erdabil and Western Sirvaki Provinces
 
| Small insurgent group with limited regional activities.
 
| Atropian government facilities and leaders
 
|-
 
! scope="row" | Bocyowicz Crime Family
 
| Criminal
 
| Ungoverned Territories
 
| Acquires political power in poorly-governed regions, eventually gaining control of geographic space. These political actions are intended to provide security and freedom of movement for the criminal organization's  activities. As a result, the third-generation criminal organization and its leadership challenge the legitimate state authority.
 
| Atropian police and security forces
 
|-
 
! scope="row" | Atropian Organized Crime (AOC)
 
| Criminal
 
| Baku
 
| The growth of illegal narcotics, smuggling, and even human trafficking conducted outside of established channels only began recently. Many of those involved in Atropian illegal activities live in communities of displaced Atropians from Lower Janga and persons who fled Donovia. Atropia serves as a transit point for narcotics travelling to Donovia and Western countries.
 
| Police and security forces
 
|-
 
! scope="row" | Al Iksir Cartel
 
| Criminal
 
| Northern Atropia and Southern Donovia
 
| The growth of illegal narcotics, smuggling, and even human trafficking conducted outside of established channels only began recently. Many of those involved in Atropian illegal activities live in communities of displaced Atropians from Lower Janga and persons who fled Donovia. Atropia serves as a transit point for narcotics travelling to Donovia and Western countries.
 
| Police and security forces
 
 
|-
 
|-
 
|}
 
|}
 +
 +
[[Category:DATE]]
 +
[[Category:Africa]]
 +
[[Category:Nyumba]]

Latest revision as of 18:51, 7 February 2020

Nyumba
Nyumba Flag
Flag
Nyumba Overview Map (without legend)
Capital Kismayo
Largest city Kismayo (183,300)
Official languages
  • Nyumban Arabic
  • Swahili
  • English
Ethnic groups
  • Lisimbai 5%
  • Machupa 5%
  • Dakaria 4%
  • Adongo 7%
  • Abedi 4%
  • Kajana 5%
  • Wangari 9%
  • Mpasa 8%
  • Killima 32%
  • Tajammu 21%
Religion
  • 90.0% Muslim
  • 7.0% Christian
  • 3.0% Other Indigenous
Demonym Nyumban
Government Democratic (autocracy)
Legislature Three branched
GDP estimate
• Total
$2.9 billion
Time zone EAT (GMT+3)
Nyumba is a troubled nation and has had little in the form of democracy since its inception. It has been primarily ruled by authoritarian governments and wracked with internal turmoil and paranoia about perceived external threats. It is suspicious of regional government alliances with western countries and, particularly, what the Nyumba government leaders see as international meddling in its sovereign domestic and regional concerns.

The government is authoritarian in all aspects. Beginning fifty-nine years ago, a military coup overthrew the newly elected civilian government, lasting only six years before an Islamist government took power. While the government remains Sharia law-based, tribal influences permeate and dominate the government as well. Economic, religious, ethnic, and tribal interests collide, collude, and complicate the politics of Nyumba and have led to decades of civil war and other internal conflicts. These conflicts have threatened border countries with refugees and provided a safe haven for terrorists, insurgents, criminals, and other disrupters. These deep-seated challenges show no signs of dissipating.

Political

Main article: Political: Nyumba

Nyumba has had little in the form of democracy since its inception. It has been primarily ruled by authoritarian governments and wracked with internal turmoil and paranoia about perceived external threats. It is suspicious of regional government alliances with western countries and, particularly, what the Nyumba government leaders see as international meddling in its sovereign domestic and regional concerns.

The government is authoritarian in all aspects. Beginning fifty-nine years ago, a military coup overthrew the newly elected civilian government, lasting only six years before an Islamist government took power. While the government remains Sharia law-based, tribal influences permeate and dominate the government as well. Economic, religious, ethnic, and tribal interests collide, collude, and complicate the politics of Nyumba and have led to decades of civil war and other internal conflicts. These conflicts have threatened border countries with refugees and provided a safe haven for terrorists, insurgents, criminals, and other disrupters. These deep-seated challenges show no signs of dissipating.

The center of political power resides in the authoritarian government, supported by the interests of a variety of regional groups. The ruling party, the National People’s Party (NPP), controls the unicameral legislature, the National Congress (NC). The president has the power to dissolve and recall the NC and has used this mechanism on occasions when it fits the political need of the president. Regional militias, such as the Tajammu, are used to crush political opposition and punish those it deems a threat. The military remains loyal due, in large measure, to the legal and illegal money-generating opportunities afforded it. These revenue streams allow it to give the rank and file in the military better-than-average salaries and perks. All of this is calculated to keep the ruling party in power.

Military

Main article: Military: Nyumba

The Nyumban Armed Forces (NAF) is the state military of Nyumba and is key to the country’s stability. It has experienced significant challenges from both the various threat actors in Nyumba, and distrust within its ranks and from politicians. Civilian distrust is particularly high, leading to widespread tribalism and the rise of armed militias. Its composition and deployments are driven by political desires to maintain control of key forces and the de facto ceding of territory to tribes or armed groups. The NAF consists of the Nyumban National Army (NNA), the Nyumban Armed Forces Air Corps, and the Nyumban Navy. The Nyumban National Security Service controls a paramilitary group, the Rapid Security Forces (RSF) which is usually deployed in support of border and anti-insurgency operations. The NAF has inherited a varied structure and culture due to several regime changes and colonial legacy. The lawlessness of the territory and general instability has heightened both political and military leaders’ wariness of the forces.

Rather than adequately resourcing its forces, Nyumba has historically accepted peacekeeping force contribution and foreign advisors to help keep its force relatively functional and trained. The military, despite its ideological purges and the weakening of discipline because of the introduction of ideological affinities in officers’ promotions, remains a traditional army that sees itself as "national" and non-tribal. Successive governments in Nyumba have relied on tribally-recruited militias to augment the national armed forces.

Economic

Main article: Economic: Nyumba

By most modern standards, Nyumba is a very weak or failed state economically. A relatively small group of powerful individuals controls the financial, trade, banking, and commodity sectors within the country. The main focus of this group is to ensure that they remain in power and control of the country and its economy. Manipulation of all resources to further the wealth and gain of the group is a common theme. To this end the leadership maintains low levels of regulation and oversight of economic activities to gain the most revenue possible. Legitimate and illicit economic activities exist on equal footing in Nyumba with the poorer population bearing the burden.

Nyumba’s economy is best characterized as unbridled capitalism. The government has few economic control measures in place and has little influence over the financial dealings of its citizens. The ruling elite of the country use their position for personal gain with significant corruption and manipulation of the economy in all levels of government. The country ranks high on the GINI index of the distribution of income within the economy with those in the ruling elite holding 85% of the wealth. There are some tribal influences in the government and its handling of the economy but by and large the main factor is those in power do whatever is necessary to remain in control. The group is characterized by a diplomat’s recent comment, “shameless looters who are living in luxury while showing breathtaking indifference [to their people].”

The country’s basic infrastructure does not support economic growth. Few modernized roads, no rail lines, power distribution grid, pipelines, or other basic infrastructure severely restricts the government’s ability to launch economic development. Lack of basic infrastructure does lend itself to development opportunities if the government can find the funds or investors interested in undertaking high risk projects. A recent railroad construction project between Kismaayo and Lamu is a prime example. The government is funding a $1.1B loan for the project through the Olvana Export-Import Bank and an Olvanan construction company is leading the project.

With oil as the main revenue generating resource for the country, the economy is subject to commodity value swings. The recent downturn in worldwide oil prices is reflected in the GDP trending downward and the government running an ongoing deficit. To counter the trend, the Nyumban Finance Minister recently announced production targets for the coming year at double that of prior years and implementation of some economic austerity measures.

Social

Main article: Social: Nyumba

Nyumba enjoys an ancient heritage and rich culture. It has combined its Arabic and African roots to create a uniquely Nyumbaan culture. Nyumbaans are very proud of their culture

Due to Nyumba’s repressive regime and its inability to cope with the economic and societal difficulties that follow with natural disasters, civil wars, and other conflicts, the importance of tribal and family relationships is more profound and pronounced in Nyumba. Like other regional countries, rural families are dependent upon their ties to larger tribal structures. Where Nyumba differs is in its total societal dependence on these relationships, even in more urban areas were these familial structures tend to loosen in other regional countries. The poverty endemic in the country as a whole, requires that families band together for survival.

These family and extended tribal relationships have also had a direct impact on the political direction of the country. The government of Nyumba is beholden to and dependent upon tribal relationships to stay in power. For example, the tribe-based Tajammu militias receive perks and patronage from the government for conducting paramilitary and extra-legal operations on behalf of the government.

Information

Main article: Information: Nyumba

Nyumba’s population is non-technical with radio and word of mouth (WoM) as their primary information sources. A select segment of the population, (those with money or influence), have access to and use the latest information technologies. The government leadership, social, and financial elite, and military leadership maintains power over the population through control of the media and exploitation of the latest technologies. Those in power use their status to sanction and benefit from the exploitation of information. This includes hosting e-criminal enterprises that seek to exploit regional and international targets. Information systems complement or support other typical criminal activity: smuggling, cyber theft, human trafficking, and hostage data.

The government controls all media outlets in Nyumba. Television, radio, print, and internet are all under government control or censorship. Even though the laws and constitution of the country stipulate freedom of speech and press, in practice the government restricts private media by failing to issue or suspending any operating licenses. The World Press Freedom ranking for Nyumba is 170th out of 180 countries. This control typically intensifies just prior to elections or when the government is being criticized by the public. Government intelligence agencies block any access to opposition information and actively work to discredit any sources contrary to the government message.

The government controls all communication technologies--internet, satellite phones, cell phones, satellite television. Generally, the population does not have access to these technologies due to lack of infrastructure or no economic means to get access. Very limited access to satellite television is available for purchase from both commercial and black market sources but the cost is high and prohibitive for the majority of the population.

Infrastructure

Main article: Nyumba Infrastructure

Nyumba is the least populated and least densely populated country in the region. The limited infrastructure is significantly degraded. Most of the population and development is concentrated along the Tana and Juba Rivers, and the Indian Ocean ports of Lamu and Kismaayo. Paved roads are limited to the main artery running from Moyale in the north to Isiolo on the Amari border, and a 150 km strip from Kismaayo running northeast to Jilib.

Nyumba has the least developed infrastructure in the region. It is only partially connected to regional infrastructure networks. The exception is the northern portion of a transcontinental road corridor that connects southern Africa with the Red Sea. It depends entirely on imported electricity and refined petroleum. Despite its poverty and lack of development, in most years Nyumbans have access to sustainable water resources.

Physical Environment

Nyumba is a moderately large country located in eastern Africa. It borders one major body of water: the Indian Ocean and encompasses two others, Lake Turkana and Lake Logipi. The country’s terrain varies from a significant rift valley, high mountains and arid desert lowlands, as well as coastal plains, with climates ranging from east, tropical to semiarid and in the west, warm desert and arid and humid near the coast.

Nyumba’s land area is approximately 165,417 square miles in Eastern Africa. It shares 1,245 miles of border with Amari to the south and three bodies of water—the Indian Ocean and Lake Turkana. Additionally, there is a smaller body of water, Lake Logipi just south of Lake Turkana. The country’s varied terrain includes mountainous highlands, high plateaus, deep valleys, lowland plains, and sandy beaches.

Irregular in shape, Nyumba’s long axis runs northwest to southeast. Beginning at the former, Nyumba’s southwest of its border runs parallel North Eastern Rift Valley which encompasses Lake Turkana. Mountain ranges run parallel to Nyumba’s north western border. The mountain ranges vary in elevation, 2,624 feet to it’s approximate highest elevations to 7,217 feet at the peak of Mount Kulal. Progressing eastward from Mount Kulal, the terrain becomes largely flat open desert with elevations ranging approximately 1,500 feet to 2,100 feet. Faza (73 sq miles), Lamu (23 sq miles), and Kiwayu (5 sq miles) Islands lie southeast of the mainland and is the country’s southernmost land mass. The highest point in Nyumba is at 7,497 feet, while the lowest is at sea level on the Indian Ocean coast.

Time

Main article: Time: Nyumba

Nyumba uses the Gregorian calendar. However, within that daily routine great importance is paid to the rising and setting of the sun. Since Nyumba straddles the equator, there is little difference in the hours of daylight seen in the Summer or Winter. As is common in equatorial Africa, none of the regional countries observe Daylight Savings Time (DST).

Once the differing approach to time is understood, business in Nyumba should be straightforward. Attempting to impose a Western approach to time will not benefit either party. This is the case in the cities as well as the countryside.

Significant Non-State Threat Actors and Conditions

Significant Non-State Threat Actors and Conditions in the OE, 2025
Group Name Type Country Description
Civil Militias Militia Nyumba Nyumban civil militia groups operate and thrive in conditions of state disintegration in areas with little or no state control. Many of the roving gangs will be younger, but groups of older men and possibly women may arm themselves to respond to threats. Civil militia groups are often organized along very narrow political lines, religious intolerance, and ethnic exclusion. The emergence of civil militia-controlled areas has created problems for border enforcement and the lucrative mining and tourism sectors.
Hizbul al-Harakat Violent Extremist Nyumba
al-Harakat flag
Hizbul al-Harakat, more commonly known as al-Harakat is a jihadist fundamentalist group based in central East Africa. Its leadership had previously pledged itself to the militant Islamist organization Al-Qaeda, but quarrels and interpersonal conflicts led to al-Harakat distancing itself from the group. Since then, the group has withdrawn from the major cities, controlling a few rural in the rough maintains of western Nyumba. The group describes its purpose as waging jihad against "enemies of Islam."
Islamic Front in the Heart Africa (AFITHA) Violent Extremist -Multiple
The black flag variant used by AFITHA
AFITHA is an Islamist militant organization which aims to overthrow the Amari government and institute an Islamic state. To that end, it is currently engaged in an anti-government campaign. As an affiliate of Al Qaeda in the Islamic Magreb (AQIM), it aligns its movement with AQIM’s broader goals to institute shariah (Islamic law) in all its areas of operation, although its operations in the region have been more practical than its northern component. Its operations in Amari, Ziwa, and northern Kujenga appear to be more focused on ridding the region of "Western impurities" than solely religious ideology.
Tajammu Militias Militia Nyumba The Tajammu is a violent militia comprised of Nyumban Arab tribes and disaffected camel herding tribes of the Nyumban northern region. They are currently in conflict with Nyumban civil militias in central Nyumba and Hizbul al-Harakat elements in the Nyumban western region. They have been one of the main drivers of violence throughout the region.
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