Amari

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Amari
Flag
Capital	Kisumu
Largest city	Nairobi(3.37 million)
Official languages	English Swahili Numerous Indigenous
Ethnic groups	22% Kiboko 15% Nyati 13% Samaki 12% Kondoo 10% Haki 4% Nomadic 21% Other African 3% Non-African
Religion	80% Christian 9% Muslim 9% Traditional/folk 2% Other
Demonym	Amari
Government	Presidential republic
Legislature	Bicameral parliament
GDP	estimate
• Total	$85.1 B
Time zone	EAT (GMT+3)

Amari, with its capital at Kisumu, is a functioning and relatively stable democracy, receiving significant support from the US and other western countries. A new constitution was implemented seven years ago. Ethnic and tribal tensions play out in multi-party politics, which has led to a history of electoral violence and distrust of the government. The last election was uniquely free of the violence of past elections. Other concerns include border security, instability spillover from neighboring countries, regional competition for resources, and terrorism.

Political

Main article: Political: Amari

Amari gained independence from a western European colonial power fifty years ago; a time when colonial powers were divesting themselves of their African colonies. Since then, Amari continues to be a functioning and relatively stable democracy, receiving significant support from the US and other western countries. The government consists of an executive branch with a strong president, a bicameral legislature, and a judiciary with an associated hierarchy of courts. Amari is making significant progress in areas of good governance, but still struggles with institutional corruption. The new constitution has attempted to create a framework for better governance with good results. Ethnic and tribal tensions still influence multi-party politics, contributing to the history of electoral violence and distrust of the government. Other concerns include border security, instability spillover from neighboring countries, regional competition for resources, and terrorism.

Military

Main article: Amari National Defence Force

The Amari National Defense Force (ANDF) is the state military of Amari. Its composition, disposition, and doctrine are the result of years of relative peace, but near constant internal security concerns and regional threats. Internal security and the constant struggle against border incursion continue to shape its structure and roles. The ANDF consists of the Amari Army, Air Force, and Navy. Amari paramilitary forces, inclusive of the Border Guard Corps (BGC) and Special Reserve Force (SRF). The ANDF is a well-integrated and professional force with good command and control and high readiness. It has a limited force projection capability and a mix of static and mobile forces. Amari is an active contributor to both regional and international peacekeeping forces and has hosted such forces within its borders.

See also Significant Threat Conditions within Amari

Economic

Main article: Economic: Amari

Amari's topography supports abundant natural resources and numerous forms of wildlife of scientific and economic value. Amari has a mixed open market economy that includes a variety of privately owned businesses, combined with moderate centralized economic planning and government regulation. Amari is a member of the East African Community (EAC).

Amari has a liberal foreign trade policy. GDP growth has been inconsistent since independence in the mid-twentieth century, reaching its lowest point fifteen years ago when the IMF and World Bank intervened to prevent an economic crisis. As with some other African countries, endemic corruption mingles with a tradition of bureaucratic patronage that occasionally surfaces to create a drag on economic growth. Inflation is a perennial problem. It reached a high of 30% after the last global economic downturn, but since leveled off to just under 10%.

Social

Main article: Social: Amari

Though many problems still exist, Amari is seen as better off in many ways than its neighbors. Most urban Amaris have access to government services and clean water and electricity. The education system is government-sponsored from primary to secondary school, with a large population attending school and becoming literate.

That said, Amari has large pockets of its population living in poverty. The rural eastern lowlands suffer from food scarcity. Former child soldiers, refugees and internally displaced populations flow into sizable informal settlements known as slum cities. These issues, plus a government with large pockets of corruption, increases the potential for social upheaval.

The culture and heritage of Amari is diverse and strong in tradition. Three eras have shaped the country: pre-colonialism, colonialism, and post-independence. The pre-colonial period included Arab control until 1860, when a western European country wrested control. During the colonial period, portions of Amari were under the control of several European powers. The country was controlled by the Europeans from 1860 until it won independence fifty years ago. During the colonial period, Amari’s tribal structure remained largely unchanged. Amari has approximately fifty tribes, each with its own language, culture, and traditions. At a time when most European countries divested themselves of their colonies, Amari gained its independence fifty years ago.

Information

Main article: Information: Amari

Amari has one of the fastest growing technology sectors on the African continent. Amari's government attempts to manage the various information mediums to maintain a positive perception by the public and other countries in the region. The quick adoption of mobile phone technology and the increased access to the Internet is challenging the government's ability to control public perceptions. Amari’s INFOWAR capability is generally good, with pockets of excellence in a variety of disciplines.

Infrastructure

Main article: Amari Infrastructure

Amari has over twice the population of Texas but less than five percent of its electrical power generating capacity. Despite that, Amari is still the regional leader in the depth and quality of its infrastructure—key features being the port of Mombasa and the "Northern Transport Corridor" connecting Mombasa to Nairobi and points west. The corridor also serves the resource-rich Lake Victoria region, with a spur to Kisumu as well as a direct line to Kampala. Nairobi is also the region’s major air hub for international trade and tourism.

While Amari wishes to maintain its advantage over Kujenga’s port of Dar Es Salaam and the Dar Es Salaam-Kigoma (DARGOMA) Corridor, It also understands the importance of streamlined border and customs control to regional security and economic development.

Despite abundant petroleum, geothermal, and hydroelectric resources, most of the region’s population depends on wood or charcoal for cooking, and oil lamps for lighting, especially in rural areas. Even those living in cities serviced by electric or water distribution grids are not necessarily connected to those systems.

Physical Environment

Main article: Physical Environment: Amari

Amari is a moderately large country located in eastern Africa. It borders Kujenga and Ziwa on the south and Nyumba on the north, and lies on two major bodies of water: the Indian Ocean and Lake Victoria. The country’s terrain varies from high mountains and green plateaus to desert lowlands and coastal plains, with climates ranging from tropical to semiarid to sub-alpine. Multiple natural hazards exist, resulting from Amari’s geology, weather, native wildlife, and human activity.

The country’s rugged highlands create an obstacle for regional communication and make transport difficult. Natural disasters such as flood and drought will complicate missions. Troops must deal with extreme temperatures in the eastern lowlands, and high altitudes in parts of the central highlands. The spring-like weather in large portions of the highlands and western plateau will facilitate operations and maneuverability, as will the ease of mobility in the eastern lowlands.

Time

Main article: Time: Amari

The Amari approach to time markedly differs from that throughout the West. While western approaches to time are o’clock, or by the clock; the Amari people are the opposite. In many rural areas some of the elder population might not even have access to a clock or watch. Once the differing approach to time is understood, business with the Amari should be straightforward. Attempting to rush them, or impose a western approach to time will not be of benefit to either US forces or the Amari people. Amari sits within the East African Time (EAT) zone, which is three hours ahead of Greenwich Mean Time (GMT)/Coordinated Universal Time (UTC). In the summer months the Amaris do not observe Daylight Saving Time (DST), keeping it three hours ahead of GMT/UTC. Care should be taken by those nations observing DST in their own countries as, in essence, the time difference changes by an hour!

Significant Threat Conditions within Amari

Selected Actors

Significant Non-State Threat Actors and Conditions in Amari, 2025

Group Name	Type	Country	Description
Amarian People’s Union (APU)	Insurgency	Amari	The Amarian People’s Union (APU) is the militant wing of the Amarian People’s Party (APP). The APU has openly espoused violent actions when political desires are unfulfilled. The APU’s members are predominantly hostile and would likely support the enemies of Amari. The APU is responsible for numerous attacks against government facilities and military and police forces. It has also targeted Amari civilians identified as “non-loyal.” The most common attacks include government posts and personnel, power facilities, and civilian crops.
Hodari Cartel	Criminal	Amari	The Hodari Cartel is the largest and most powerful heroin trafficking organization in the region. Its primary operating base is in and around the Port of Mombasa, although it operates processing and distribution nodes throughout Amari. Limited and tense cooperation among other regional drug trafficking organizations may exist to minimize public or political backlash.
Islamic Front in the Heart Africa (AFITHA)	Violent Extremist	-Multiple	Islamic Front in the Heart of Africa (AFITHA) is an Islamist militant organization )which aims to overthrow the Amari government and institute an Islamic state. To that end, it is currently engaged in an anti-government campaign. As an affiliate of Al Qaeda in the Islamic Magreb (AQIM), it aligns its movement with AQIM’s broader goals to institute Sharia (Islamic law) in all its areas of operation, although its operations in the region have been more practical than its northern component. Its operations in Amari, Ziwa, and northern Kujenga appear to be more focused on ridding the region of "Western impurities" than solely religious ideology.
Mara-Suswa Rebel Army (MSRA)	Militia	Amari	The Mara-Suswa Rebel Army (MSRA) is an aggregate of multiple rebel groups and militias in central Amari, west of Nairobi. The group is believed to be responsible for widespread violence and harassment throughout the region. They have also conducted attacks against tourists and villages in Kujenga and Ziwa. This group is known for brutality and has taken responsibility for attacks on tourists and traffic along secondary roads. Territorial fighting between rival factions has made travel in remote rural areas almost impossible - particularly at night, where sustained gunfire is a nightly occurrence.
Bonkeri	Criminal (Hackers)	Amari	Bonkeri is a group created and funded by the Amari government, but classified as a criminal organization by the international community, It conducts clandestine government-sanctioned political and financial hacking of networks to achieve goals established by Amari's current government. It also freelances its services, having connections with the Hodari Heroin Cartel and other organizations.
Pemba Island Native Army (PINA)	Insurgency	Amari	The Pemba Island Native Army (PINA) is a low-level nativist insurgency, fighting for increased autonomy and relief from what it believes is Amarian oppression. Low-level violence and vandalism has been directed against Amari officials and BGC units tasked with providing security on the island. While PINA is largely bluster, radical elements break out and have attacked state forces and anyone they deem an “outsider.” The most violent acts usually follow the enforcement of certain Amari policies and increased BGC patrols.

"Mtangazajiland"

Mtangazajiland area

The upper northwestern area of Amari, nicknamed "Mtangazajiland”" – land of the wanderers, is a de facto homeland for former child soldiers. Many of the villages were developed by Amari government programs, while others developed organically as populations swelled. The people in the villages are mostly single men between 16 and 40 years old that escaped forced service with militias and other forces in Nyumba, although some have started families.

There are approximately 15-20 villages in the area, with a few in decline and a few splinters from other villages. The Amari Interior Ministry provides partial support to many of the villages with programs to help rehabilitate the men and prevent potential conflict that might result from their migration to other areas. Villagers are predominantly friendly towards Amari officials, but are suspicious of outsiders.

Cross-border militia raids from Nyumba against the villages occur with some frequency and can be extremely brutal. The level of villager participation in illicit trafficking, interdiction of commercial traffic, or raids on other villages and refugee settlements to supplement state stipends is not known.

Amari military forces regularly allocate resources and provide assistance and monitoring to the villages to facilitate stability and rehabilitation of the residents. The former child soldiers and others in the area likely maintain numerous small arms. The amounts and types of larger weapons and organization levels is unknown. The villages are considered a buffering zone in the northwest, allowing the military and BGC to be more effective in this somewhat wild region.