WEG MediaWiki

Difference between revisions of "Kujenga"

m
 
(12 intermediate revisions by 6 users not shown)
Line 1: Line 1:
<div style="font-size:0.9em; color:#333;">
+
<div style="font-size:0.9em; color:#333;" id="mw-breadcrumbs">
 
[[Africa|DATE Africa]] &gt; '''{{PAGENAME}}''' &larr;You are here  
 
[[Africa|DATE Africa]] &gt; '''{{PAGENAME}}''' &larr;You are here  
 
</div>
 
</div>
Line 7: Line 7:
 
|image_flag = Kujenga Flag.JPG
 
|image_flag = Kujenga Flag.JPG
 
|alt_flag = National flag of Kujenga.
 
|alt_flag = National flag of Kujenga.
|image_map = Wikimap africa kujenga.png
+
|image_map = File:Kujenga Overview Map short.PNG
|alt_map = Location of Ariana on the globe.
+
|alt_map = Map of Kujenga (without legend)
 
|official_languages =  
 
|official_languages =  
 
  {{unbulleted list
 
  {{unbulleted list
   | {{nowrap|58.0% Persian Dialects}}
+
   | Kujengian
  | 26.0% Turkic Dialects
+
   | English
  | 9.0% Kurdish
+
   | Arabic
  | 2.0% Luri
 
   | 1.0% Baluchi
 
   | 1.0% Arabic
 
  | 1.0% Kalarian
 
  | 2.0% Other
 
 
  }}
 
  }}
|demonym = Arianian
+
|demonym = Kujengan
 
|ethnic_groups =
 
|ethnic_groups =
 
  {{unbulleted list
 
  {{unbulleted list
   | {{nowrap|51.0% Persian}}
+
   | 12% Wawindaji
   | 24.0% Atropian
+
  | 10% Kabila
   | 8.0% Gilaki or Mazandarani
+
  | 9% Almasi
   | 7.0% Kurd
+
   | 9% Samaki
   | 3.0% Arab
+
   | 8% Milima
   | 2.0% Lur
+
   | 6% Kirafiki
   | 2.0% Baluch
+
   | 6% Kiarabu
   | 2.0% Turkmen
+
   | 4% Kisu 4%
   | 1.0% Other
+
   | 4% Mahindi
 +
   | 25% Other African
 +
   | 2% Non-African
 
  }}
 
  }}
 
|religion =  
 
|religion =  
{{unbulleted list
+
|capital = Dar es Salaam
  | {{nowrap|89.0% Shia Muslim}}
+
|largest_city = Dar es Salaam (4.36 million)
  | 9.0% Sunni Muslim
+
|government_type =  
  | 2.0% Other
+
|leader_title1 = Prime Minister
}}
+
|leader_name1 =  
|capital = Tehran
+
|leader_title2 =  
|largest_city = Tehran (12 million)
+
|leader_name2 =  
|government_type = Theocracy
 
|leader_title1 = Supreme Leader
 
|leader_name1 = Ayatollah Mahmood Mekhenei
 
|leader_title2 = President
 
|leader_name2 = Ahmad Moudin
 
 
|legislature = Unicameral Legislature
 
|legislature = Unicameral Legislature
 
|area_rank =  <!--Demographic Yearbook 1.-->
 
|area_rank =  <!--Demographic Yearbook 1.-->
|area_magnitude = 1 E11
+
|area_magnitude =  
|area_sq_mi = 588,764 <!--Do not remove per [[WP:MOSNUM]]-->
+
|area_sq_mi = <!--Do not remove per [[WP:MOSNUM]]-->
|population_estimate = 8,372,373
+
|population_estimate =  
|population_estimate_rank = 129th <!--UN World Population Prospects-->
+
|population_estimate_rank = <!--UN World Population Prospects-->
|population_estimate_year = July 2016
+
|population_estimate_year =  
|population_density_sq_mi = 8,372,373 <!--Do not remove per [[WP:MOSNUM]]-->
+
|population_density_sq_mi =   <!--Do not remove per [[WP:MOSNUM]]-->
|population_density_rank = 167th <!--UN World Population Prospects-->
+
|population_density_rank = <!--UN World Population Prospects-->
|GDP_nominal = $85.77 billion
+
|GDP_nominal = $36.1 billion
|GDP_nominal_year = 2016
+
|GDP_nominal_year =  
|sovereignty_type = Theocracy
+
|sovereignty_type =  
|time_zone = [[West Africa Time|WAT]]
+
|time_zone = EAT (GMT+3)
|footnote_a = This is a footnote.
+
|footnote_a =  
}}Ariana is a true theocracy, with every significant political action affected by the clerical class. A brutally efficient military ensures the continuation of the current power structure, while a sham representative government appeases or distracts Western interests. Ariana’s military is second only to Donovia in strength, and regularly exercises dominance and maintains connections with criminal and terror groups. Reportedly, Ariana has nuclear weapons and three identified nuclear sites. Ariana possesses massive oil and gas reserves in its southwest region along the Persian Gulf, and provides relatively modern infrastructure with big cities and a complex transportation architecture. Ariana’s government is aggressive, capable, revolutionary, and intent on spreading its vision of Islamic governance and the establishment of a new Arianian hegemony throughout the region. The majority of Arianians are Shia Muslim, and all citizens suffer from a lack of information due to the government’s strict regulations on media.
+
}}
[[Category:DATE|000]]
+
Kujenga gained semi-independence fifty-six years ago under a post-colonial United Nations mandated trusteeship. Three years later, Kujenga gained full independence, establishing a  constitution built on a single political party system.
[[Category:Caucasus]]
+
 
[[Category:Ariana]]
+
Working under the UN mandate, the outgoing colonial power lent support to the group of elites who had made up the bureaucracy under colonial rule. These elites united under the political party People of Change (POC). They have since maintained control of the government through successive elections, except for a brief experiment with multi-party rule seven years ago that ended five years later with the subsequent election.  
 +
Kujenga established diplomatic relations with the United States when it gained independence fifty-three years ago. Relations between the two countries have been strained at various times because of Kujenga’s tight-knit oligarchic political structure and its repressive tendencies. Ongoing tensions and violence between the Kujengan government and the Tanga region brought US condemnation. The Kujengan government is focused on addressing rampant corruption and government inaction, but the country has also experienced a shrinking of democratic space.  
 +
 
 +
The United States has provided development assistance to Kujenga to promote democratic governance, address health and education issues, and promote broad-based economic growth, and advance regional and domestic security to sustain progress. Kujenga is willing to accept US help, but chafes at criticism. It views the US with a degree of caution.  
  
 
__TOC__
 
__TOC__
Line 69: Line 64:
 
==Political==
 
==Political==
 
{{Main article|Political: Kujenga}}
 
{{Main article|Political: Kujenga}}
At the heart of political power in Ariana is the Council of Guardians Revolution. The Revolution considers itself the vanguard of proper Islamic sentiment on the planet, and the heart of a global conversion to its version of Islam. The Revolution has successfully defended itself from both internal and external threats, and remains committed to the export of its vision of theocratic rule.
+
Kujenga has maintained de facto one-party rule for the entirety of its fifty-three years of independence. Building upon a group of political elites during its initial period of United Nations Trusteeship, western powers formed the beginnings of the People of Change political party. This party has maintained control of the government through a combination of a romantic and a sentimental connection to independence, patronage, and the use of government and military means to suppress opposition. Relative stability throughout its history has also contributed to the POC’s staying power.
 +
 
 +
Kujenga faces several challenges. In recent years, the POC passed legislation used to arrest and detain opposition leaders in the name of national security. The use of force against those deemed threats lessened participation in Kujenga’s democracy. Periodic protests in areas such as the Tanga region and other areas of friction within the country tend to be met with swift force by Kujengan security forces. Corruption is endemic within the government. While there is general national stability, there is always the danger that some internal or external event might move Kujenga toward instability.  
  
 
==Military==
 
==Military==
{{Main article|Military: Kujenga}}
+
{{Main article|Kujenga Armed Service}}
Ariana has an extensive history of various types of operations, from sponsorship of proxy terrorism  to sustained force-on-force conflict. This history forms the basis for the military leadership mindset. The legacy of changing political boundaries between Ariana and its neighbors over the last century never terminated satisfactorily for the countries’ ethnic groups, familial-clan geographical demographics, or theological divisions.
+
The Kujenga Armed Service (KAS) is the state military of Republic of Kujenga.  It emerged from a somewhat turbulent past and a range of internal security challenges. Kujenga’s military relations with its neighbors are relatively stable, although border security issues despite ongoing tensions in the Tanga region increasing the risk of regional conflict. The KAS consists of the Kujengan Army, [[Kujenga Armed Service#Kujengan National Air Force (KNAF)|Kujengan National Air Force (KNAF)]], [[Kujenga Armed Service#Kujengan National Navy (KNAV)|Kujengan National Navy (KNAV)]], and [[Kujenga Armed Service#Paramilitary Forces|Security Corps]].
 +
 
 +
Kujenga’s primary internal security concerns include [[Free Tanga Youth Movement|Tangan separatists]], violent [[Kujengan Bush Militias|bush militias]] in the central mountains, and the brutal "[[Army of Justice and Purity]]" guerrillas in the Kasama region.  External threats include border incursions by presumed Amari paramilitaries and cross-border smuggling.
  
 
==Economic==
 
==Economic==
 
{{Main article|Economic: Kujenga}}
 
{{Main article|Economic: Kujenga}}
The Caucasus countries that possess hydrocarbon resources will continue to depend on the oil and gas industries to drive their economies, while those that do not possess such resources will attempt  to tie themselves to hydrocarbon-rich nations. Both Ariana and Atropia face geopolitical difficulties in exporting their oil and natural gas. Bordered by adversaries, the Arianians and Atropians must rely on tenuous routes to export their resources. For Gorgas and Limaria, which lack extractive or mature industries, transshipment of hydrocarbon products or providing other services to oil-wealthy countries will be their primary short- to medium-term means to achieve economic development. Donovia continues to recover from a collapse two decades ago that crippled its economy. All nations of the Caucasus have relatively high inefficiency due to corruption, government involvement in the economy, and/or lack of export industry development.
+
Kujenga, one of East Africa’s largest economies, relies heavily on oil as its main source of foreign exchange earnings and government revenues. Following a global financial crisis 9 years ago, Kujenga’s  banking sector was recapitalized and regulatory reforms implemented. Since that time, gains in agriculture, telecommunications, and services drove Kujenga’s economic growth. Kujenga’s major competitors in the regional economic order are Amari and Ziwa.
 
 
Ariana’s economy has pockets of economic vitality but suffers from governmental legislation and regulation that restrict its growth. Ariana’s Gross Domestic Product (GDP) consistently improves about 4-6% annually and even reached 7-8% growth in 2007. Much of Ariana’s GDP growth,  however, depends on hydrocarbon revenues that make up the largest sector of the Arianian economy and suffer the whims of international market commodity prices. The Arianian government continues to push for greater market liberalization and reform, but large Arianian special interests are expected to continue blocking economic progressive legislation to prevent any decrease in their power. Additionally, the government plays a significant role in the Arianian economy; its social welfare policies fund various charities and numerous subsidies for commodities ranging from foodstuffs to gasoline.
 
  
Ariana’s economy is a series of contrasts. While a population surge reached the labor market over  the last decade, Arianian unemployment continued to decrease over the same period. While trade and finance sanctions create significant foreign investment obstacles, overseas trade—especially  with East Asian countries—continues to grow as Asia desires raw hydrocarbon resources and Ariana seeks finished consumer goods. Although Ariana’s industrial sector continues as one of the region’s strongest, its factories suffer from international sanctions on the parts and technology needed to update its hardware and techniques.
+
Despite government efforts to grow a viable middle class by steering the economy toward diversification, a large proportion of Kujenga’s population—70 percent—still live in extreme poverty. Economic power is the domain of a small group of oligarchs who publicly pay lip service to government reforms while privately restricting social status, affluence and acquisition of wealth to an intergenerational caste of corporate and political power brokers. Within this select group, reciprocal patronage and nepotism remain the order of the day.
  
President Ahmad Moudin’s financial policies support his populist agenda, including an expansionary fiscal policy. Moudin continues to support massive subsidies for the populace; energy subsidies alone account for approximately 12% of Ariana’s GDP. The People’s Wealth Fund (PWF), which uses oil revenue proceeds as a hedge against the volatile price fluctuations on the international petroleum market, supports oil subsidies to the Arianian people. The high oil prices of the last decade filled the PWF coffers with enough revenue to pursue Moudin’s populist policies, like fuel subsidies, and possibly provided funds to continue Ariana’s investment in nuclear technology.
+
Inadequate electrical power generation capacity tops the list of Kujenga’s economic infrastructure issues. Hydroelectric plants currently support about 20 percent of the country’s power grid. Proposed economic reforms aimed at improving existing capacity consistently bog down in prolonged legislative squabbles. Endemic corruption pervades an inefficient property registration system, restrictive trade policies, and a top-heavy regulatory bureaucracy.
  
As a result of Ariana’s successful nuclear weapons program, the US Treasury enacted sanctions against Ariana that hamper its international and domestic economic systems and promote policy changes. In addition, the US hopes the sanctions will deter Ariana from providing financial support to Middle East terrorists.
+
Unreliable dispute resolution mechanisms, combined with corporate security concerns over internal and external militant threat actors, make prospective foreign investors wary of committing limited venture capital in support of oil, natural gas, and water resource exploitation. As a result, in spite of increased demand, Kujenga’s oil production has contracted slightly in each of the past 5 years. Despite these challenges, Kujenga remains well-grounded in the global economy: no economic sanctions exist that might limit the country’s participation in the international trading community. Kujenga is still recovering from a drop in world oil prices that occurred 2 years ago, but the medium-term prognosis for the country is positive, provided that national oil output remains stable, and oil prices on the world market continue to rebound.
  
 
==Social==
 
==Social==
 
{{Main article|Social: Kujenga}}
 
{{Main article|Social: Kujenga}}
Ariana enjoys an ancient heritage and rich culture. Ariana possesses a well-documented reputation as the center of knowledge, art, poetry, and mathematics in the region that dates back thousands of years. Most Arianians are proud of their nation and consider themselves Arianians and/or Persians, dependent on their ethnic group.
+
Kujenga is a relatively stable country, but it faces several social issues: a large rural population facing food scarcity and medical crises, refugee camps, and a large youth bulge. These issues, along with a government suffering from widespread corruption, form a base for potential social upheaval. Due to several factors, however, the country remains stable; one key factor is the number of tribes. With some 80 tribes in and around Kujenga, tribal politics and tensions ensure on faction does not become too powerful.  
 
 
Over the last few years, radical Arianian powerbrokers with extremist world views have provided sanctuary to international terrorists. Ariana also sponsored the proxy wars of the Shia Internationalist Brigades and the Martyr’s Army versus Israel, as well as training and/or supplying Arianian Shia insurgent groups such as local Shia Internationalist Brigades. Ariana continues to threaten Israel, the US, and their allies with its domestically popular and successful nuclear  weapons program.
 
 
 
Since President Ahmad Moudin took power in 2003, his continual references to the 12th Imam’s imminent return and the establishment of an Islamic Caliphate stir the Shia faithful to action.   The rhetoric also diverts increasing social discontent to a common foreign enemy—the US and its infidel allies, such as Israel and Egypt. As long as religious zealots control the government, it remains likely that Ariana and the US will never become allies in the Caucasus region.
 
 
 
Social discontent and civil unrest continue to rise in Ariana. Tens of thousands of people protested the last election (August 2009), in which Moudin received the most votes in what many observers perceived as a rigged election. The perception by many Arianian citizens of deeply ingrained government corruption, skewed wealth distribution, high inflation, and high unemployment rates continue to drive this discontent and unrest. Protests, to include student organized protests, persist even to date in Tehran.
 
  
Regardless of these problems, the Arianian populace still enjoys a higher living standard than many regional neighbors. Ariana is not a poor nation. The Arianian poor generally earn more than $2 per day, the United Nations (UN) poverty standard. The government, however, states that only 18% of its citizens live below the poverty line. The Arianian people’s discontent may eventually lead to minor governmental changes but likely will not result in any fundamental changes to the Arianian political situation.
+
The culture and heritage of Kujenga is diverse, and tribes play a critical role across the society. Tribal dynamics date to well before the colonial era and remain very active today. Each tribe has its own language, cultures and traditions, making Kujenga very diverse.  
 
 
Most citizens enjoy clean water and electricity, most attend primary and secondary schools, and most urban citizens have access to phone services. Literacy rates remain very high in Ariana (77%), and over 80% complete high school. Each year, over one million high school graduates apply for entrance into Arianian universities. The more educated the Arianian public becomes, however, the more likely that they will speak out against the theocracy.
 
  
 
==Information==
 
==Information==
 
{{Main article|Information: Kujenga}}
 
{{Main article|Information: Kujenga}}
Ariana is a repressive information environment, with the government controlling all important information environment elements. Ariana is one of the most sophisticated nations in the world at information control, utilizing advanced capabilities to monitor and direct communications. Despite this, the fragmented Arianian opposition uses the Internet extensively, though its ultimate effect on the political environment is mixed at best. Ariana’s INFOWAR capability is generally good, with pockets of excellence in a variety of disciplines.
+
Kujenga ’s information environment is somewhat dated with limited availability of Internet, mobile phone, and television access for the general population. The government is investing in projects to expand the internet backbone and circuits but widespread public access is still in the future. While it does have a mix of public and private media available, the government controls the media programs available to the public. Kujenga’s information operations capabilities focus mostly on less technical approaches with selected niche capabilities. As a less technically oriented country with narrowly focused modernization goals, the information flow remains concentrated on widely available systems. Radio and print media continue to dominate the Kujenga information sphere with limited in-roads by modern media systems. As a country with limited technical information systems, it makes Kujenga significantly less susceptible to cyber-attacks and information system manipulation. The Kujenga government seeks to maintain its dominance of the information sector to control the flow of information to the population. To maintain that dominance, the government plans to increase use of new technology and meter its release to the population.
  
 
==Infrastructure==
 
==Infrastructure==
{{Main article|Infrastructure: Kujenga}}
+
{{Main article|Kujenga Infrastructure}}
While the region’s five countries have a significant number of rural residents, the majority of each country’s population lives in urban areas. About two-thirds of the Arianian (68%), Donovian (67%), and Limarian populace (64%) and just over half of the Gorgan (53%) and Atropian (52%) populace  live in urban areas. All five countries contain a mixture of modern urban cities and almost pre- modern rural villages. Modern utilities can be found in most major cities but not in the rural villages and countryside.
+
Kujenga has a relatively low population density and limited infrastructure funding, meaning lower connection rates and more rehabilitation requirements than Amari and Ziwa. Kujenga’s priorities are road paving and natural gas development.
 +
 
 +
Key infrastructure features are the port of Dar Es Salaam and the east-west transit corridor from Dar Es Salaam to Kigoma on Lake Tanganyika, also known as ''DARGOMA''. This corridor is approximately 70% paved, with a 1930’s era 1,000 mm gauge rail line running throughout. A northern spur runs to the Ziwan capital of Mwanza. The 1970’s-era “DarSouth” 1,035mm-gauge rail line runs from Dar Es Salaam through southern Kujenga. It has one interconnection with the DARGOMA rail line.
 +
 
 +
Zanzibar and Mafia islands have more utility connections and more permanent construction patterns than the mainland.
  
The Arianian infrastructure resembles a patchwork quilt with a mixture of modernization and obsolescence. While previous Arianian leaders made substantial investments, the infrastructure now faces significant challenges from the stresses of both war and peace. While rail, road, air, and seaports are marginally adequate, the natural gas and oil infrastructure suffers from archaic construction. Environmental and population pressures on aquifers, along with considerable pollution levels, create significant stress on water and other natural resources. Over 40% of Ariana’s more than 77 million people reside in its 18 largest cities, all of which have at least 350,000 residents.
+
Despite abundant natural gas and hydroelectric resources, most Kujengans, especially in rural areas, use wood or charcoal for cooking and oil lamps for lighting. Even those living in urban neighborhoods serviced by electric or water distribution grids are not necessarily connected.  
  
 
==Physical Environment==
 
==Physical Environment==
 
{{Main article|Physical Environment: Kujenga}}
 
{{Main article|Physical Environment: Kujenga}}
Over 200,000 square miles comprise the Caucasus, a mountainous region located between the Black Sea and Caspian Sea. The Caucasus includes Atropia, Limaria, and Gorgas, as well as parts of Ariana, Donovia, and Kalaria. The Caucasus Mountains, consisting of the Greater and Lesser Caucasus ranges, traditionally form the separation between Europe and Asia. The Caucasus region contains two major parts—the North Caucasus and the South Caucasus—that are divided by the Greater Caucasus Mountains. The North Caucasus region is contained entirely within Donovia, while the South Caucasus contains Gorgas, Limaria, Atropia, and parts of Ariana and Kalaria.
+
Kujenga is a large country located in central eastern Africa and is roughly rectangular in shape. It borders one major body of water: the Indian Ocean and encompasses three others, Lake Victoria, Lake Malawi, Lake Tanganika. The country’s terrain varies from a significant  rift valley in the central region, high mountains and arid desert lowlands, as well as coastal plains, with climates ranging from in the east, tropical to semiarid; warm desert in the west; and humid near the coast.  
  
 
==Time==
 
==Time==
 
{{Main article|Time: Kujenga}}
 
{{Main article|Time: Kujenga}}
The Caucasus countries, for the most part, do not believe in the sensitivity of time, and do not view punctuality or the importance of time as the US and most other Western countries do. Most of the people in the region do not view time as a resource and do not feel any compulsion to effectively manage their time. The people in the Caucasus region do not make the connection between effective use of their time and production. This lack of time consciousness will likely frustrate US soldiers as they work with their allies, but it will also give the US a battlefield advantage against its enemies.
+
Kujengans use the Gregorian calendar. However, within that daily routine great importance is paid to the rising and setting of the sun. Kujenga's proximity to the equator means there is little difference in the hours of daylight seen in the summer or winter. As is common in equatorial Africa, none of the regional countries observe Daylight Savings Time (DST).
 +
 
 +
Once the differing approach to time is understood, business in Kujenga should be straightforward.  Attempting to impose a Western approach to time will not benefit either party. This is the case in the cities as well as the countryside.
 +
==Significant Threat Conditions within Kujenga==
 +
 
 +
===Selected Actors===
 +
{| class="wikitable sortable"
 +
|+ Significant Non-State Threat Actors and Conditions in the OE, {{CURRENTYEAR}}
 +
!Group Name!!Type!!Country!! class="unsortable" |Description
  
==Threat Actor Chart==
 
{| class="wikitable"
 
 
|-
 
|-
! scope="col" | Threat Actor
+
|[[Army of Justice and Purity|Army of Justice and Purity (AJP)]]
! scope="col" | Organization Type
+
||Guerrilla
! scope="col" | OE
+
||Kujenga
! scope="col" | Activities
+
||[[File:AJP2.png|left|50px|AJP "6-fingered hand" flag]]Army of Justice and Purity (AJP) is a rebel group and heterodox Christian cult which operates in southern Kujenga and its surrounding countries.  Originally known as the ''Truth Revival Movement'' and the ''Kujengan True Faith and Allegiance Army,'' its stated goals include establishment of multi-party democracy, distinct from Kujenga.  Their leadership council has publicly expressed their goal of ruling according to their strict, non-traditional interpretations of selected portions of the Christian Bible, mixed with a heavy dose of anti-colonial rhetoric.  While it is structured and functions like a military unit, members exhibit a cult-like reverence for its mysterious leader, [[Tomas Asari-Dokubo|"Messiah" Tomas Asari-Dokubo]].
! scope="col" | Targets
+
 
|-
 
|-
! scope="row" | Salasyl
+
|[[Donya Syndicate]]
| Insurgent
+
||Criminal
| Southeast Atropia with nation-wide capabilities
+
||Kujenga
| Possible ties to transnational criminal and terrorist actors. Has engaged the Atropian regime in a lowlevel insurgency for the past 20 years. Promotes violent populace opposition to state taxation policies, unreliable public services, substandard medical preventive services, inaccessible state education programs for working class citizens, and a judicial system that illegally favors the ruling political party. Salasyl and South Atropian People's Army (SAPA) insurgents often clash violently over ideology, limited resources, and similar recruiting pools.
+
||The Donya Syndicate is the largest and most powerful cocaine trafficking organization in the region. Its primary operating base is in and around the Port of Dar es Salaam, although it operates processing and distribution nodes throughout Kujenga. Donya is the most stable and sophisticated of the groups to emerge from the drug turmoil of the 1990s – both within Africa and among central and South American suppliers.  
| Atropian government facilities and leaders
+
 
 
|-
 
|-
! scope="row" | South Atropian People's Army (SAPA)
+
|[[Free Tanga Youth Movement|Free Tanga Youth Movement (FTYM)]]
| Insurgent
+
||Insurgency
| Focuses on eight provinces in the south with cultural ties to Ariana
+
||Kujenga
| Primary goal is to create a separate country composed of southern Atropia and Ariana's northwestern provinces. Receives most of its training, equipment, and supplies from Ariana. SAPA and Salasyl insurgents often clash  violently over ideology, limited resources, and similar recruiting pools.
+
||[[File:FTYM v1.png|left|50px|FYTM insignia]]The Free Tanga Youth Movement (FTYM) is a separatist insurgency operating almost exclusively in the Tanga region of northeastern [[Kujenga]]. The historic occupants of the region have resisted their inclusion in Kujenga and have repeatedly petitioned the government to allow ceding their ancestral homeland to be with Lou Tribe kin to the north in [[Amari]]. The FTYM has claimed responsibility for numerous small attacks against government personnel and facilities in within Tanga and as far as Dar es Salaam. FTYM elements have been blamed for attacks on both regional and international peacekeepers. The FTYM can be extremely volatile and will be hostile to anyone they perceive as supporting Kujengan interest over theirs.
| Atropian government facilities and leaders
+
 
|-
 
! scope="row" | Bilasuvar Freedom Brigade (BFB)
 
| Insurgent
 
| Northern Vetlia and Erdabil Provinces
 
| Donovia supports the BFB, creating political tension between Donovia and Atropia.
 
| Atropian government facilities and leaders
 
|-
 
! scope="row" | Provisional Army of Lezgin (PAL)
 
| Insurgent
 
| Southern Erdabil and Western Sirvaki Provinces
 
| Small insurgent group with limited regional activities.
 
| Atropian government facilities and leaders
 
|-
 
! scope="row" | Bocyowicz Crime Family
 
| Criminal
 
| Ungoverned Territories
 
| Acquires political power in poorly-governed regions, eventually gaining control of geographic space. These political actions are intended to provide security and freedom of movement for the criminal organization's  activities. As a result, the third-generation criminal organization and its leadership challenge the legitimate state authority.
 
| Atropian police and security forces
 
|-
 
! scope="row" | Atropian Organized Crime (AOC)
 
| Criminal
 
| Baku
 
| The growth of illegal narcotics, smuggling, and even human trafficking conducted outside of established channels only began recently. Many of those involved in Atropian illegal activities live in communities of displaced Atropians from Lower Janga and persons who fled Donovia. Atropia serves as a transit point for narcotics travelling to Donovia and Western countries.
 
| Police and security forces
 
|-
 
! scope="row" | Al Iksir Cartel
 
| Criminal
 
| Northern Atropia and Southern Donovia
 
| The growth of illegal narcotics, smuggling, and even human trafficking conducted outside of established channels only began recently. Many of those involved in Atropian illegal activities live in communities of displaced Atropians from Lower Janga and persons who fled Donovia. Atropia serves as a transit point for narcotics travelling to Donovia and Western countries.
 
| Police and security forces
 
 
|-
 
|-
 
|}
 
|}
 +
 +
===Illicit Mining Operations===
 +
{{Main article|Illicit Mining Operations}}
 +
[[File:IllegalMines miner.JPG|100px|right]]Illegal mining operations are not normally associated with having an impact on military operations, but US and coalition forces may be deployed in support of peacekeeping or stability operations in areas where they could come into direct conflict with multiple hybrid threat actors operating directly or indirectly in support of illegal mines and smuggling. The mere presence of external forces could be viewed by these actors as a threat to their illegal operations or territorial claims and lead to increased violence.
 +
 +
[[Category:DATE]]
 +
[[Category:Africa]]
 +
[[Category:Kujenga]]

Latest revision as of 20:30, 2 July 2020

DATE Africa > Kujenga ←You are here

Kujenga
National flag of Kujenga.
Flag
Map of Kujenga (without legend)
Capital Dar es Salaam
Largest city Dar es Salaam (4.36 million)
Official languages
  • Kujengian
  • English
  • Arabic
Ethnic groups
  • 12% Wawindaji
  • 10% Kabila
  • 9% Almasi
  • 9% Samaki
  • 8% Milima
  • 6% Kirafiki
  • 6% Kiarabu
  • 4% Kisu 4%
  • 4% Mahindi
  • 25% Other African
  • 2% Non-African
Demonym Kujengan
Government
Legislature Unicameral Legislature
GDP estimate
• Total
$36.1 billion
Time zone EAT (GMT+3)

Kujenga gained semi-independence fifty-six years ago under a post-colonial United Nations mandated trusteeship. Three years later, Kujenga gained full independence, establishing a constitution built on a single political party system.

Working under the UN mandate, the outgoing colonial power lent support to the group of elites who had made up the bureaucracy under colonial rule. These elites united under the political party People of Change (POC). They have since maintained control of the government through successive elections, except for a brief experiment with multi-party rule seven years ago that ended five years later with the subsequent election. Kujenga established diplomatic relations with the United States when it gained independence fifty-three years ago. Relations between the two countries have been strained at various times because of Kujenga’s tight-knit oligarchic political structure and its repressive tendencies. Ongoing tensions and violence between the Kujengan government and the Tanga region brought US condemnation. The Kujengan government is focused on addressing rampant corruption and government inaction, but the country has also experienced a shrinking of democratic space.

The United States has provided development assistance to Kujenga to promote democratic governance, address health and education issues, and promote broad-based economic growth, and advance regional and domestic security to sustain progress. Kujenga is willing to accept US help, but chafes at criticism. It views the US with a degree of caution.

Political

Main article: Political: Kujenga

Kujenga has maintained de facto one-party rule for the entirety of its fifty-three years of independence. Building upon a group of political elites during its initial period of United Nations Trusteeship, western powers formed the beginnings of the People of Change political party. This party has maintained control of the government through a combination of a romantic and a sentimental connection to independence, patronage, and the use of government and military means to suppress opposition. Relative stability throughout its history has also contributed to the POC’s staying power.

Kujenga faces several challenges. In recent years, the POC passed legislation used to arrest and detain opposition leaders in the name of national security. The use of force against those deemed threats lessened participation in Kujenga’s democracy. Periodic protests in areas such as the Tanga region and other areas of friction within the country tend to be met with swift force by Kujengan security forces. Corruption is endemic within the government. While there is general national stability, there is always the danger that some internal or external event might move Kujenga toward instability.

Military

Main article: Kujenga Armed Service

The Kujenga Armed Service (KAS) is the state military of Republic of Kujenga. It emerged from a somewhat turbulent past and a range of internal security challenges. Kujenga’s military relations with its neighbors are relatively stable, although border security issues despite ongoing tensions in the Tanga region increasing the risk of regional conflict. The KAS consists of the Kujengan Army, Kujengan National Air Force (KNAF), Kujengan National Navy (KNAV), and Security Corps.

Kujenga’s primary internal security concerns include Tangan separatists, violent bush militias in the central mountains, and the brutal "Army of Justice and Purity" guerrillas in the Kasama region. External threats include border incursions by presumed Amari paramilitaries and cross-border smuggling.

Economic

Main article: Economic: Kujenga

Kujenga, one of East Africa’s largest economies, relies heavily on oil as its main source of foreign exchange earnings and government revenues. Following a global financial crisis 9 years ago, Kujenga’s  banking sector was recapitalized and regulatory reforms implemented. Since that time, gains in agriculture, telecommunications, and services drove Kujenga’s economic growth. Kujenga’s major competitors in the regional economic order are Amari and Ziwa.

Despite government efforts to grow a viable middle class by steering the economy toward diversification, a large proportion of Kujenga’s population—70 percent—still live in extreme poverty. Economic power is the domain of a small group of oligarchs who publicly pay lip service to government reforms while privately restricting social status, affluence and acquisition of wealth to an intergenerational caste of corporate and political power brokers. Within this select group, reciprocal patronage and nepotism remain the order of the day.

Inadequate electrical power generation capacity tops the list of Kujenga’s economic infrastructure issues. Hydroelectric plants currently support about 20 percent of the country’s power grid. Proposed economic reforms aimed at improving existing capacity consistently bog down in prolonged legislative squabbles. Endemic corruption pervades an inefficient property registration system, restrictive trade policies, and a top-heavy regulatory bureaucracy.

Unreliable dispute resolution mechanisms, combined with corporate security concerns over internal and external militant threat actors, make prospective foreign investors wary of committing limited venture capital in support of oil, natural gas, and water resource exploitation. As a result, in spite of increased demand, Kujenga’s oil production has contracted slightly in each of the past 5 years. Despite these challenges, Kujenga remains well-grounded in the global economy: no economic sanctions exist that might limit the country’s participation in the international trading community. Kujenga is still recovering from a drop in world oil prices that occurred 2 years ago, but the medium-term prognosis for the country is positive, provided that national oil output remains stable, and oil prices on the world market continue to rebound.

Social

Main article: Social: Kujenga

Kujenga is a relatively stable country, but it faces several social issues: a large rural population facing food scarcity and medical crises, refugee camps, and a large youth bulge. These issues, along with a government suffering from widespread corruption, form a base for potential social upheaval. Due to several factors, however, the country remains stable; one key factor is the number of tribes. With some 80 tribes in and around Kujenga, tribal politics and tensions ensure on faction does not become too powerful.

The culture and heritage of Kujenga is diverse, and tribes play a critical role across the society. Tribal dynamics date to well before the colonial era and remain very active today. Each tribe has its own language, cultures and traditions, making Kujenga very diverse.

Information

Main article: Information: Kujenga

Kujenga ’s information environment is somewhat dated with limited availability of Internet, mobile phone, and television access for the general population. The government is investing in projects to expand the internet backbone and circuits but widespread public access is still in the future. While it does have a mix of public and private media available, the government controls the media programs available to the public. Kujenga’s information operations capabilities focus mostly on less technical approaches with selected niche capabilities. As a less technically oriented country with narrowly focused modernization goals, the information flow remains concentrated on widely available systems. Radio and print media continue to dominate the Kujenga information sphere with limited in-roads by modern media systems. As a country with limited technical information systems, it makes Kujenga significantly less susceptible to cyber-attacks and information system manipulation. The Kujenga government seeks to maintain its dominance of the information sector to control the flow of information to the population. To maintain that dominance, the government plans to increase use of new technology and meter its release to the population.

Infrastructure

Kujenga has a relatively low population density and limited infrastructure funding, meaning lower connection rates and more rehabilitation requirements than Amari and Ziwa. Kujenga’s priorities are road paving and natural gas development.

Key infrastructure features are the port of Dar Es Salaam and the east-west transit corridor from Dar Es Salaam to Kigoma on Lake Tanganyika, also known as DARGOMA. This corridor is approximately 70% paved, with a 1930’s era 1,000 mm gauge rail line running throughout. A northern spur runs to the Ziwan capital of Mwanza. The 1970’s-era “DarSouth” 1,035mm-gauge rail line runs from Dar Es Salaam through southern Kujenga. It has one interconnection with the DARGOMA rail line.

Zanzibar and Mafia islands have more utility connections and more permanent construction patterns than the mainland.

Despite abundant natural gas and hydroelectric resources, most Kujengans, especially in rural areas, use wood or charcoal for cooking and oil lamps for lighting. Even those living in urban neighborhoods serviced by electric or water distribution grids are not necessarily connected.

Physical Environment

Kujenga is a large country located in central eastern Africa and is roughly rectangular in shape. It borders one major body of water: the Indian Ocean and encompasses three others, Lake Victoria, Lake Malawi, Lake Tanganika. The country’s terrain varies from a significant  rift valley in the central region, high mountains and arid desert lowlands, as well as coastal plains, with climates ranging from in the east, tropical to semiarid; warm desert in the west; and humid near the coast.  

Time

Main article: Time: Kujenga

Kujengans use the Gregorian calendar. However, within that daily routine great importance is paid to the rising and setting of the sun. Kujenga's proximity to the equator means there is little difference in the hours of daylight seen in the summer or winter. As is common in equatorial Africa, none of the regional countries observe Daylight Savings Time (DST).

Once the differing approach to time is understood, business in Kujenga should be straightforward. Attempting to impose a Western approach to time will not benefit either party. This is the case in the cities as well as the countryside.

Significant Threat Conditions within Kujenga

Selected Actors

Significant Non-State Threat Actors and Conditions in the OE, 2025
Group Name Type Country Description
Army of Justice and Purity (AJP) Guerrilla Kujenga
AJP "6-fingered hand" flag
Army of Justice and Purity (AJP) is a rebel group and heterodox Christian cult which operates in southern Kujenga and its surrounding countries. Originally known as the Truth Revival Movement and the Kujengan True Faith and Allegiance Army, its stated goals include establishment of multi-party democracy, distinct from Kujenga. Their leadership council has publicly expressed their goal of ruling according to their strict, non-traditional interpretations of selected portions of the Christian Bible, mixed with a heavy dose of anti-colonial rhetoric. While it is structured and functions like a military unit, members exhibit a cult-like reverence for its mysterious leader, "Messiah" Tomas Asari-Dokubo.
Donya Syndicate Criminal Kujenga The Donya Syndicate is the largest and most powerful cocaine trafficking organization in the region. Its primary operating base is in and around the Port of Dar es Salaam, although it operates processing and distribution nodes throughout Kujenga. Donya is the most stable and sophisticated of the groups to emerge from the drug turmoil of the 1990s – both within Africa and among central and South American suppliers.
Free Tanga Youth Movement (FTYM) Insurgency Kujenga
FYTM insignia
The Free Tanga Youth Movement (FTYM) is a separatist insurgency operating almost exclusively in the Tanga region of northeastern Kujenga. The historic occupants of the region have resisted their inclusion in Kujenga and have repeatedly petitioned the government to allow ceding their ancestral homeland to be with Lou Tribe kin to the north in Amari. The FTYM has claimed responsibility for numerous small attacks against government personnel and facilities in within Tanga and as far as Dar es Salaam. FTYM elements have been blamed for attacks on both regional and international peacekeepers. The FTYM can be extremely volatile and will be hostile to anyone they perceive as supporting Kujengan interest over theirs.

Illicit Mining Operations

IllegalMines miner.JPG
Illegal mining operations are not normally associated with having an impact on military operations, but US and coalition forces may be deployed in support of peacekeeping or stability operations in areas where they could come into direct conflict with multiple hybrid threat actors operating directly or indirectly in support of illegal mines and smuggling. The mere presence of external forces could be viewed by these actors as a threat to their illegal operations or territorial claims and lead to increased violence.
Retrieved from "http://odin.ttysg.us/mediawiki/index.php?title=Kujenga&oldid=34607"