Social: Otso

We welcome your constructive feedback:(Right-click, "Open in new tab") Africa • Caucasus • Europe • Pacific • WEG • Force Structures

Using the DATE • TC 7-101 Exercise Design • Download

DATE Europe > Otso > Social: Otso ←You are here

Social Overview

Otso has a population of approximately 1.4 million. Ethnically, the country is homogenous and the population has a strong sense of national pride. It has accepted few refugees on the grounds that the economy is insufficiently developed to be able to cope.

Otso's export‐dependent economy continuously adapted to the world market; in doing so, it changed Otsonian society as well. The prolonged worldwide boom, beginning in the late 1940s and lasting until the first oil crisis in 1973, was a challenge that Otso met and from which it emerged with a highly sophisticated and diversified economy, including a new occupational structure. Some sectors kept a fairly constant share of the work force. Transportation and construction, for example, each accounted for between 7 and 8% in both 1950 and 1985, and manufacturing's share rose only from 22 to 24%; however, both the commercial and the service sectors more than doubled their share of the work force, accounting, respectively, for 23 and 28% in 1985. The greatest change was the decline of the economically active population employed in agriculture and forestry, from approximately 50% in 1950 to 10% in 1985. The exodus from farms and forests provided the manpower needed for the growth of other sectors.

Given its reputation as unwelcoming and the climate, few refugees or asylum seekers attempt to make their way to Otso, which suits the country. The population tends to be fairly cold to outsiders, but are extremely hospitable once the initial barriers are overcome. In the far north, inside the Arctic Circle, there are still nomadic tribes who maintain a traditional lifestyle herding reindeer. Unlike Donovia, Otso makes no attempt to restrict their range to within the country’s borders and the herders may move into Bothnia or Torrike or back without hindrance.

Although overall, the population is moderately prosperous and there is little unemployment (3.5%), there are patches of rural deprivation and poverty. Alcoholism is rife in the far North and the suicide rate in the winter months is also extremely high.

At the top end, Otso’s education system matches the highest standards in Europe, however, the University of Otavia has only limited places and many of the best students choose to study abroad (the USA, the UK and China are the most favored destinations). The majority of citizens do not proceed beyond secondary education, however, and standards outside of the best schools are variable.

The health care system is publicly funded and available to all citizens. Primary health care is obtained from district health centers employing general practitioners and nurses that provide most day‐to‐day medical services. The municipalities through district hospitals where more specialist care is available provide secondary care. Otso also has a network of university teaching hospitals which makes up the tertiary level.

The economic and political transformations that Otso has experienced from the last decades of the twentieth century have radically altered the country’s social structure. In the first phase of transformation, industrialization expanded the economy, created previously unknown occupational groups, and forced the old bureaucratic and clerical elite to share power and prestige with a new entrepreneurial class. The political transformation established a democratic state in which parties representing workers and farmers successfully contended for the highest public offices. After WWII, the two processes of transformation quickened. In one generation, the manner in which Otsans lived and earned their livelihood changed in an unprecedented way. An essentially rural society moved to the city; farmers, for centuries the most numerous class, ceded this position to white‐collar workers; and prosperity replaced poverty.

The economic transformation also altered income structure. A noticeable shift was the reduction in wage differentials. The increased wealth produced by an advanced economy was distributed to wage earners via the system of broad income agreements that evolved in the post war era. Organized sectors of the economy received wage hikes even greater than the economy's growth rate. As a result, blue‐collar workers' income came, in time, to match more closely the pay of lower level white‐collar employees, and the income of the upper middle class declined in relation to that of other groups.

The long trend of growth in living standards paired with diminishing differences between social classes was dramatically reversed during the 1990s. For the first time in the history of Otso income differences have sharply grown. This change has been mostly driven by the growth of income from capital to the wealthiest segment of the population.

Political Context

The increasing number of retirees and the concurrent decline of the labor force is a major challenge for Otso in the long‐run; not only for the welfare state and its institutions, but also for the economy and the society as a whole. The fact that the population in Otso is ageing more rapidly than elsewhere in Europe, underlines the need for action. As far as the fields of politics and science are concerned, the problem has been recognized, which resulted in a large number of research projects, action programs and reforms. The consequences of population ageing are also discussed in public. The media have extensively covered future labor shortages and the risk of increasing expenditures on pensions and health care. Further topics are regional disparities such as unequal opportunities concerning health care, housing, and social services for elderly people.

Regional Context

Otso’s neutrality status, internationally recognized, allows neighboring states to use Otso as an intermediary and buffer zone. This helps provide its security. Otso is a dialogue partner in the Skolkan Cooperation Organization (SCO). This allows Otso to participate in regional dialogue and maintenance of the balance of power.

Otsan Social Statistics

Measure	Data	Remarks (if applicable)
Gross Domestic Product (GDP)	USD52.6 billion (2010 est)	USD37,653 (2010 est.) GDP per capita, with 2.1% growth rate
Labor Force	823,675 (2009 est)	See Employment Status paragraph of Economic Variable for more detail
Unemployment	3.5%

Population Movement (Emigration and Internal Migration)

Emigration

During the period of tsarist rule, some 100,000 Otsans went to Donovia, mainly to the St. Petersburg area. Emigration on a large scale began in the second half of the nineteenth century when Otsans, along with millions of other Europeans, set out for the United States and Canada. By 1990, Otso had lost an estimated 200,000 of its citizens to these two countries.

Known as the Great Migration period, a significant number of Otsans emigrated to Torrike after World War II, drawn by that country's prosperity and proximity. However, due to the loss of Viipuri, there was an influx of 100,000 refugees from the Viipuri region who did not wish to become Soviet citizens. Emigration began slowly, but, during the 1960s and the second half of the 1970s, tens of thousands left each year. The peak emigration year was 1970 which caused Otso's population actually to fall that year. Because many of the migrants later returned to Otso, definite figures cannot be calculated, but all told, an estimated 50,000 to 60,000 Otsans became permanent residents of Torrike in the post war period. The overall youthfulness of these emigrants meant that the quality of the work force available to Otsonian employers was diminished and that the national birth rate slowed. By the 1990s, a strong Otsonian economy had brought an end to large‐scale migration to Torrike. In fact, the overall population flow was reversed because each year several thousand more Otsans returned from Torrike than left for it.

Internal Migration

However significant the long‐term effects of external migration on Otsonian society may have been, migration within the country had a greater impact especially the migration which took place between the end of World War II and the mid‐1970s, when half the population moved from one part of the country to another.

Post-war internal migration began with the resettlement within Otso of virtually all the inhabitants of the parts of Karelia ceded to the Soviet Union. Somewhat more than 10% of the nation's population found new homes elsewhere in Otso, often in the less settled regions of the east and the north. In these regions, new land, which they cleared for farming, was provided for the refugees. Requisitioning of property occurred in more populated areas. It took just a few years to successfully deal with the sudden influx of these settlers. One of the effects of rural resettlement was an increase in the number of farms during the post war years, a unique occurrence for industrialized nations of this period.

However, the post war economic transformation caused an even larger movement of people within Otso. It was a massive population shift from rural areas to the urban, industrialized south. People left rural regions because the mechanization of agriculture and elimination of jobs by the forestry. The displaced work force went to areas where employment in the expanding industrial and service sectors was available. This movement began in the 1960s, but it was most intense during the 1970s and the first half of the 1980s, assuming proportions that in relative terms were unprecedented for a country outside the Third World. The migration left behind rural areas of abandoned farms with reduced and aging populations, and it allowed the creation of a densely populated postindustrial society in the country's south.

Population Distribution

Otso numbers some 1.4 million and has an average population density of 10.5 inhabitants per km2. Population distribution is very uneven: the population is concentrated on the small southern coastal plain. In Arctic Lappi, on the other hand, there are only 2 people to every square kilometer.

Rural

The rural territory in Otso is heterogeneous predominantly along the northern region. Compared to the southern region, the north has a greater dispersion and a higher proportion of the population living in rural municipalities. Rural categorization can be differentiated between rural municipalities close to urban areas (RCUAs), rural heartland municipalities (RHMs) and sparsely populated rural municipalities (SPRMs).

The rural population underwent important changes in its settlement patterns since the 1990s. On the one hand, migration towards RCUAs is turning them into the areas with the fastest population growth in the country and the youngest age structure. On the other, SPRMs and RHMs are facing depopulation although net out‐migration rates, are turning less pronounced in both areas and approach zero in RHMs. Although Otso’s welfare system has been able to provide high quality education and health services even in remote rural areas, there are marked differences in several socioeconomic indicators between the types of municipalities.

Urban

Just before WWII, three out of four Otsans lived in rural areas; it was not until 1969 that more than half of the population had come to live in urban communities. The trend continued, and by the early 1990s some 60% of Otsans lived in urban areas. The largest urban settlement in Otso is Joensuu. About 63% live in towns and cities and the annual rate of urbanization is 0.8% (2005‐10 est).

Demographics

The demographic pyramid resembles that of most other industrial countries, with middle aged predominating. Otso has also the world’s fastest aging population. The Baby Boomers are retiring, and the lengthened life expectancy will increase the size of the elderly population in the coming years. The effects from the population development that has gone on for decades are now becoming visibly: because the fertility rate has already stayed below the reproduction rate for a generation, more people are exiting working age than entering it. The diminished supply of labor will inadvertently lead to a labor shortage.

Ethno-Linguistic Groups

The country is ethnically homogeneous, the dominant ethnicity being Otsonian people. The official language is Otsonian but other Skolkan languages are spoken. Many Otsans speak English as a second language. Within Otsonian society, four ethnic minority groups are of significance.

Sami. The earliest inhabitants of most of the land area that makes up today's Otso, Scandinavia and Skolkan were in all likelihood hunter‐gatherers whose closest successors in modern terms would probably be the Sami people. There are 8,500 of them living in Lappi (Lapland (Torrike), South Lappi (Bothnia) and East Lappi (Otso)) today and they are recognized as a minority and speak three distinct languages: Northern Sami, Inari Sami and Skolt Sami. They have been living north of the Arctic Circle for more than 7,000 years now, but today are a 5% minority in their native Lapland Province. During the late 19th and 20th century there was significant emigration, particularly from rural areas to Torrike and North America, while most immigrants into Otso itself come from other European countries.

Gypsy Community. Despite Otso’s unwelcoming reputation to outsiders, a small but noticeable Gypsy population can be found. Otsonian authorities have undertaken measures to improve the Gypsies' standard of life. Generous state financial arrangements have improved their housing. Their low educational level (an estimated 20% of adult Gypsies cannot read) was raised, in part, through more vocational training. In 1970, racial discrimination was outlawed through an addition to the penal code. The law punished blatant acts such as barring Gypsies from restaurants or shops or subjecting them to unusual surveillance by shopkeepers or the police.

Jewish Community. There are about 1,300 Jews in Otso, 800 of which live in Otavia. By the 2000, assimilation and emigration had significantly reduced the size of the community, and it was only with some difficulty that it maintained synagogues, schools, libraries, and other pertinent institutions.

Muslim Community. The Muslim community in Otso is historically smaller than the Jewish community; it numbers only about 900, most of whom are found in Otavia. Lately immigration has increased the number of Muslims. Like their Jewish counterparts, Otsonian Muslims are having difficulty maintaining all the institutions needed by a social group because of their small number.

Population

Birth Rates. The population share of under five year olds is now less than half of the figures just after WW2. Drop in the population share of the youngest has been seemingly fast after over the last two decades. The born cohort at 2005 was the smallest after the world war.

Marriage Rate. The rate of marriage is 5.8 marriages/1,000 population.

Attitudes toward marriage have changed substantially since World War II. Most obvious is the declining marriage rate, which dropped from 8.5 marriages per 1,000 Otsans in 1980 to 5.8, in 2010, a decline great enough to mean a drop also in absolute numbers. Since the late 1960s, the practice of cohabitation has become increasingly common, so much so that by the late 1970s most marriages in urban areas grew out of what Otsans called "open unions." In 2010, estimates show that about 8% of couples who lived together did so without the benefits of marriage. Partners of such unions usually marry because of the arrival of offspring or the acquisition of property. Postponing marriages is a result of the frequency of cohabitation, and the average age for marriage, which had been falling, began to rise in the 1980s. By 2002, the average marriage age was 24.8 years for women and 26.8 years for men, several years higher for both sexes than had been true a decade earlier.

The overwhelming majority of Otsans do marry, however. About 90% of the women marry by the age of forty, and spinsterhood is rare. A shortage of women in rural regions, however, means that some farmers are forced into bachelorhood.

While the number of marriages is declining, divorce is becoming more common, increasing 250% between 1960 and 2000. A number of factors cause the increased frequency of divorce. One is that an increasingly secularized society views marriage, more often than before, as an arrangement that can be ended if it did not satisfy its partners. Another reason is that a gradually expanding welfare system can manage an ever greater portion of the family's traditional tasks, and it makes couples less dependent on the institution of marriage. Government provisions for parental leave, child allowances, child care programs, and much improved health and pension plans meant that the family is no longer essential for the care of children and aged relatives. A further cause for weakened family and marital ties is seen in the unsettling effects of the Great Migration and in the economic transformation Otso experienced during the 1960s and the 1970s. The rupture of established social patterns brought uncertainty and an increased potential for conflict into personal relationships.

Registered partnership in Otso was created for same‐sex couples in 2002. The legislation granting similar rights and responsibilities to same‐sex couples as to married opposite‐sex couples was passed by parliament in September 2001. In May 2009, the Parliament revised the law allowing couples to adopt the biological children of their partner. Registered partnerships, which are available only to same‐sex couples, are registered and dissolved using procedures similar to that of civil marriage. The legislation also permits joint custody of children and grants immigration rights to a foreign partner.

Social Issues

As a nation, Otso has many similar social issues facing other industrialized countries. However, the government has done well to respond to emerging issues which has kept the general public relatively content.

Services are another important area of consumer welfare in any industrialized society. The term is used here in a broad sense to include retail trade, public transportation and communications, as well as barbers, plumbers and service stations. Although again improvements had been made, the number of supermarkets and other stores, restaurants and service centers had risen significantly more than meeting the needs of an increasingly prosperous society. Services, such as medical care and education, continue to be available without cost to all but a very few.

Social Groups. There are the ‘hard’ sectorial pressure groups and the ‘soft’ affective pressure groups. The industry group COI and the union grouping OTU are examples of the former. The voluntary/community sector largely represents the affective category.

There are hundreds, if not thousands, of groups in the affective category who deal in the main with quality of life issues, which affect groups and citizens in civil society. This can range from charity groups such as to communities of interest, women’s groups and various environmental groups.

Many organizations in the latter category are viewed as “New Social Movements” by sociologists. Within the sectoral category, unions are considered to be part of the wider labor movement, which, given its longevity, is regarded as an ‘old’ social movement. However, the issues that gave birth to unions, including pay and working conditions, poverty and inequality, are still very real issues today.

In Otso, the ‘new’ social movements within the voluntary/community sector and the older labor movement are arguing for the same social outcomes. All are seeking improvements in public services. Improvements in pay, working conditions, childcare and pension rights, which disproportionately affect women, are all high on the overall priority lists of unions and community groupings. Affordable housing, community care and geriatric care facilities are also, amongst others, common to both.

Racism. Although measures have been made by the government to counter racial discrimination, foreigners living in Otso continue to report racist deeds. Especially Gypsies are subjected to racist abuses quite often. In 2000, the police received 289 announcements about racist crimes. 10% of these were directed against Gypsies.

Terrorism. Otso, as a loyal member of the international community, participates in counter‐terrorism activities. For Otso, the most important frameworks in counterterrorism activities are the EU, the UN, the OSCE, the Council of Europe and other international organizations. The UN continues to play the key role as provider of international norms. The current assessment is that Otso faces no direct threat posed by terrorism and that Otso is not considered a probable or prime target for terrorist strikes. In addition to Otsonian targets, terrorists may attempt to strike representatives or facilities in Otso of countries considered prime targets. Major national events organized in Otso could also be targets for strikes.

NGOs. As set out in the development policy, NGOs have an important role in Otso’s development cooperation as a whole. The development cooperation carried out by NGOs complements public bilateral and multilateral cooperation as well as the EU’s own development cooperation. The strengths of the activities include direct contacts between civil societies and the enterprising development of the livelihood of the poorest people in developing counties. Otsonian NGOs have projects supported by the Ministry of Foreign Affairs in over 80 developing countries.

Education

Although statistically, Otso has a literacy rate of 100%, the majority of citizens do not continue beyond secondary education. The standards can vary from school to school; however, private schools tend to provide the most consistent education. At the top end, Otso’s education system matches the highest standards in Europe, however, the University of Otavia has only limited places and many of the best students choose to study abroad (the USA, the UK and China are the most favored destinations). The Education Index, published with the UN's Human Development Index in 2010, based on data from 2008, lists Otso as 0.993, amongst the highest in the world, tied for first with Denmark, Australia and New Zealand. Education expenditure in 2011 is 11.79% (USD9.7 billion).

Structure. The Otsonian education system is an egalitarian system, with no tuition fees for full‐time students. Education is compulsory for nine years starting at age seven, and free meals are served on campus to pupils at primary and secondary levels. Education after primary school divides into vocational and academic systems.

Because trade schools are considered secondary school, the term "tertiary education" refers to institutes of higher learning, or what is generally considered university level elsewhere. Therefore, plain figures for tertiary level enrolment are not internationally comparable. University and higher vocational school systems divide the tertiary level, whose diplomas are not mutually interchangeable. Only universities award licentiates and doctorates. Traditionally only university graduates may obtain higher (postgraduate) degrees. The establishment of the Bologna Process had resulted in some restructuring, where vocational degree holders can qualify for further studies by doing additional courses. There are three universities and seven polytechnics in the country.

Primary School

During the first years of primary school, grading may be limited to verbal assessments rather than formal grades. The start of numerical grading is decided locally. Most commonly, comprehensive school pupils are issued a report card twice a year: at the ends of the autumn and spring terms. Comprehensive school students enjoy a number of social entitlements, such as school health care and a free lunch every day that covers about a third of the daily nutritional need. In addition, pupils are entitled to receive free books and materials and free transportation (or even housing) in the event that they have a long or arduous trip to school

Secondary School

Secondary education consists of a dual system, which has separate schools for occupational training and preparing students for tertiary education. Vocational schools prepare students for employment and develop vocational competence. Upper secondary schools aim to give students all around education, which prepares students for tertiary education. The system is not rigid: vocational school graduates are formally qualified for tertiary education and upper secondary school graduates may enroll into a vocational education program. It is also possible to attend both vocational and upper secondary school at the same time.

Vocational school graduates receive a vocational school certificate. Upper secondary school graduates receive both upper secondary school certification and matriculation examination. Those in special programs may receive a vocational school certificate and matriculation examination or all of the three certifications. Upper secondary and vocational school certifications are more important in polytechnic admissions and the matriculation examination is more important in university admissions. However, there are exceptions and many tertiary education programs have their own admission examinations.

Upper secondary school concludes with a nationally graded matriculation examination. The examination was originally the entrance examination to the University of Otso, and its high prestige survives to this day.

Secondary school students are entitled to school health care and a free lunch every day. However, they must buy their own books and materials.

Tertiary Education

There are two sectors in the tertiary education: universities and polytechnics. When recruiting new students, the national matriculation examination and entrance examinations are used as criteria for student selection. The focus for universities is research, and they give a more theoretical education. The polytechnics focus on practical skills and seldom pursue research, but they do engage in industry development projects. For example, physicians are university graduates, whereas basic nurses are polytechnic graduates. The vocational schools and polytechnics are governed by municipalities, or, in special cases, by private entities. (The Ministry of the Interior governs the Police College.) On the other hand, the State owns all Otsonian universities. A bachelor's degree takes about three to four years.

Depending on the program, this may be the point of graduation, but it is usually only an intermediate step towards the master's degree. A polytechnic degree takes about 3.5–4.5 years. A degree from a polytechnic is not, however, considered legally equivalent to a lower university degree in the Otsonian system. Outside of Otso, polytechnic degrees are generally accepted as lower university degrees.

Polytechnic‐graduated Bachelors are able to continue their studies by applying to Master's degree programs in universities. These take two years in general, but the polytechnic graduates are often required to undertake perhaps a year's worth of additional studies to bring them up to the level of university graduates. After polytechnic graduates have completed three year's work experience in their field, they are also qualified to apply for polytechnic master's degree programs (lower university degree graduates are qualified also, but with additional studies) which are work‐oriented — not academic. The polytechnic Master's degree program takes two years and can be undertaken in conjunction with regular work. Unlike the bachelor's, a master's degree graduate from a polytechnic is considered equivalent to an academic master's graduate in a related field. After the master's, the remaining degrees (Licentiate and Doctor) are available only in universities. The polytechnic master's degree does not qualify its recipient for graduate studies at doctoral level.

The equivalence discussed above is only relevant when applying for public sector jobs.

Attendance is compulsory in primary, but voluntary in universities and polytechnics. No tuition fees are collected. However, there are plans (in the current government platform) to introduce tuition fees to students from outside. In universities, membership in the students' union is compulsory. Students' unions of polytechnics are similarly recognized in the legislation, but membership is voluntary and does not include special university student health care. Otsonian students are entitled to a student benefit, which the State can revoke if there is a persistent lack of progress in the studies. The benefit is often insufficient and thus students usually work to help fund their studies. State‐guaranteed student loans are also available.

Some universities provide professional degrees in such fields as engineering and medicine. They have additional requirements in addition to merely completing the studies, such as demonstrations of competence in practice.

After the master's degree, there are two further post‐graduate degrees ‐ an intermediate postgraduate degree, called Licentiate, and the Doctoral degree. A licentiate program has the same amount of theoretical education as a Doctor, but its dissertation work has fewer requirements. On the other hand, the requirements for a doctoral dissertation are a little bit higher than in other countries. The most typical Otsonian doctoral degree is Doctor of Philosophy. However, universities of technology award the title Doctor of Science, and there are several branch‐specific titles, e.g., in medicine, in art, and in social sciences.

Otsan Universities

Full Name	Location	Established	Admin Staff	Students (2009)
University of Otso in Kuopio	Kuopio	1948	4,900	20,000
University of Otso in Joensuu	Joensuu	1967	6,000	24,000
Lappeenranta University of Technology	Lappeenranta	1969	1,830	10,700
University of Otavia	Otavia	1959	2,300	12,500

Otsan Polytechnic Universities

Full Name	Location	Established	Students (2009)
Humak University of Applied Sciences	Kuopio, Joensuu, Haapavesi, Lohja, Nurmijärvi, Joutseno	1998	2,374
Kajaani University of Applied Sciences	Kajaani	1992	3,989
Kymenlaakson University of Applied Sciences	Otavia, Kouvola	1991	6,017
Mikkeli University of Applied Sciences	Mikkeli, Pieksämäki, Savonlinna	1991	8,523
North Karelia University of Applied Sciences	Joensuu, Kitee, Lieksa, Nurmes	1992	4,203
Saimaa University of Applied Sciences	Skinnarila, Imatra	1993	4,735
Savonia University of Applied Sciences	Kuopio, Iisalmi, Varkaus	1992	12,423

Adult Education

Completing secondary school on a vocational program with full classes on a three‐year curriculum provides a formal qualification for further studies. However, it may prove necessary to obtain post‐secondary education before being admitted to a university, as the entrance examinations require a relatively high level of knowledge. Municipal schools or independent ‘adult education centers’, both of which can give either vocational education or teaching at comprehensive or upper secondary school levels, provides post‐secondary education. It is possible to obtain the matriculation diploma, or to better the comprehensive school grades, in these programs. An adult at an adult education center, for example, can also learn a new trade if structural change of the economy has made the old trade redundant.

In universities, the "Open University" program enables people without student status to enroll in individual university courses. There are no requirements, but there is a modest tuition fee. Polytechnics have their own similar program. While "Open University" students cannot pursue studies towards a degree, they may, after passing a sufficient number of separately determined courses with a sufficiently high grade point average, be eligible for transfer into an undergraduate degree program.

A third branch of adult education is formed by the so called "Free Education". The partially state‐funded, independent educational institutes offering diverse courses varying in length and academic level form this. The purpose of the "free education" is not to provide professional or degree‐oriented education but to "support the multi‐faceted development of personality, the ability to act in the community and to pursue the fulfilment of democracy, equality and diversity in the society." Historically, the "free education" stems from the late 20th century efforts to educate the general populace with little previous academic experience. The "free education" is offered by:

• Citizens' or Workers' Institutes
• People's Institutes
• Sports' training centers
• Summer universities
• Study Centers

The most common types of "free education" are mostly evening‐type municipal institutions offering language, handicraft and humanities courses. The academic level varies strongly, and many courses do not require any requisite knowledge. The Sports' training centers are institutions for the professional or semi‐professional sportsmen's training, while summer universities and study centers are auxiliary bodies for the organization of “free education.”

Due to globalization and increasing competition for diminishing younger age groups, system‐wide restructuring has been called for by the Ministry of Education. The total number of institutions is expected to drop significantly within 10–15 years. The University of Kuopio and the University of Joensuu, which will form a new University of Otso in 2012, lead the process within universities. New methods of cooperation such as consortia and federations have been introduced within universities. Partnerships between universities and polytechnics are also developing. In general, such system‐wide change closely follows the pattern established in Central Europe.

Religious Diversity

Religion has always been an integral part of Otsonian society. Constitutionally guaranteed through the Freedom of Religion Act, Otsans are granted the right to profess and practice a religion, the right to express a conviction, and the right to belong or not belong to a religious community. Religion is not only considered the individual’s own choice, but also as a part of the community tradition. Lutheran and Orthodox churches are constitutional national churches with special roles in ceremonies and often in school morning prayers.

As is often the case in modern nations, religious affiliation is difficult to determine. Officially, 80% of the population is Christian, 18% atheist and 2% belong to other faiths. The majority of Christians (97%) belong to the Evangelical Lutheran Church of Otso, with 2% Orthodox and 1% Roman Catholic. However, in a recent survey, only 65% claimed to have a religious faith and only 15% of the population regularly attends some form of religious service. In essence, the cultural moral background of the population is that of northern European Protestantism.

Of the Otsonian population that claim religious affiliation, only a small portion actively participate in the church. Most only attend church for special occasions like Christmas, weddings, and funerals. Roughly 10% of Protestants and 30% of Roman Catholics are active participants. Some studies report as low as 2% of Lutherans actually attend church on a weekly basis.

Most income of the Lutheran parishes comes from church taxes paid by its members. Each member pays a certain percentage of their annual income in church tax. Parishes determine the level of church tax based upon its financial situation. In recent years, the average percentage of tax paid by parishioners has been roughly 1.3%.

In keeping with its view of international peace and outreach, the Otsonian Church Aid (OCA), is a major international NGO in Otso. OCA carries out development, relief, and inter‐church aid on behalf of the Lutheran Church of Otso and its congregations. OCA channels funds through Lutheran World Federation, the World Council of Churches, and ACT (Action by Churches Together). Assistance is given irrespective of the recipient’s political orientation, religion, ethnic background or nationality.

Common Languages

The official language is Otsonian but other Skolkan languages are spoken. Many Otsans speak English as a second language.

Criminal Activity

In Otso, the crime rate saw a slight decline during the recession, but after the recovery there has been a slight growth in crime rate. In central Otso, this tendency is clearer than in the whole country. In 2010, the police registered 4,400 cases where the suspected person was from abroad. The number of offences committed by foreigners has increased almost 40% since 2000. The scope is still quite limited; out of all persons suspected of offences known to the police, 2.5% were foreigners. Otso has an incarceration rate of 46 persons per 100,000 inhabitants (2016).

Criminal trends within the country are primarily murder, sexual violence, financial crime, corruption, and smuggling/human trafficking. Murder cases primarily involve the use of alcohol or illegal drugs. Homicides often include family members, but youth violence is a growing trend, as are street shootings and gang violence.

Sexual violence in 2006 included 412 cases of rape, 237 cases of other sex crimes, and 642 cases of statutory rape. 12% of the rapes were committed by foreigners with victims as young as 13 years old.

Financial crimes in Otso include price fixing, insider trading, tax evasion, and telephone/Internet scams.

Corruption attempts have been on the rise, especially following the “Biker Wars” of the 1990s. There are no available statistics on corporate corruption, or bribery by corporations.

Smuggling and human trafficking is a growing problem in Otso as it is an easy transit point bordering the Gulf of Finland in the south, Bothnia in the west, Torrike to the north and Donovia in the east.

Transnational Crime

Most of the transnational crime in Otso is smuggling and human trafficking. This is most often committed by organized crime groups or their low-level associates. Smuggling is a lucrative crime in Otso. Criminals use sea routes, land routes, and air routes for opportunistic smuggling. The latest technique being observed is the use of unmanned drones to surveil border crossing sites and actually transport small amounts of illegal products.

Beer and cigarette smuggling. Otso, not being a member of the EU, imposes significant tariffs on cigarettes and beer entering the country. The incentive to buy both of these commodities at seriously reduced prices is great. Criminal gangs, especially from Eastern Europe, have professional distribution networks in Otso and actively use social media for communications.

Drug smuggling. Drug smuggling goes both ways. Locally produced methamphetamines are smuggled out of the country across Europe. Opioids are smuggled in from Asia and Africa. Cocaine and marijuana is brought in from South America.

Weapons smuggling. Otso is a relatively simple transit point in the Baltic region, and is used to smuggle illegal small arms, ammunition, and explosives.

Human trafficking. This crime is another one that also goes both ways. Humans are trafficked into Otso for sexual slavery in illegal brothels, or as unpaid unskilled laborers. Sometimes the traffickers use Otso as a way point enroute to other European countries. Similarly, Otsan young women have been kidnapped or tricked into being trafficked into other regions where they fetch high prices. A common ruse is to promise a high paying job in an exotic country to disaffected teens. Too late they discover they have been sold into some sort of slavery that requires an exorbitant repayment to get out.

Transnational Criminal Organizations

Atbrivosana/ATB. ATB is a cyber-criminal organization operating in every country in the Baltic region. Not associated with the Anonymous movement, they nonetheless use many of the same tactics using a veneer of anarchist political leanings. In truth, they are hackers-for-hire in the criminal world. Common tactics include ransomware, distributed denial of services (DDOS) attacks, introduction of malware (logic bombs, worms, viruses, etc) into servers and individual computers, and defacing public websites. They are suspected of assisting Donovia in disinformation campaigns in the past. The Otsan branch has become very effective at cyber-theft and the use of ransomware to raise funds. ATB operative Johannes Korhonen famously hacked into the SCO Interbank in 2008 and transferred nearly 300,000 florins before being detected and apprehended.

Johannes Korhonen, Convicted ATB Cyber-Criminal

Donovian Mafia. An extension of the Donovian Mafia in the Caucasus, membership now includes some Otsans. While openly proud of their Donovian heritage, the main victims of their activities are Donovian expatriates working and living in Otso. The Donovian Mafia in Otso specializes in prostitution, vehicle theft, drug trafficking, weapons smuggling, protection, and extortion. Membership appears to be earned through association in low level crimes and prison sentences in which there is no cooperation with any government officials. Members greet each other as “moy va brat” (my brother). Non-members are never referred to with that title. The Otsan branch resembles the Torrikan branch with no real structure. There are specific rules about activities, supporting each other, and refusing to cooperate with law enforcement. Leaders fluctuate as to whom is the highest producer of revenue, so law enforcement attempts to cripple the organization by arresting leaders has been ineffective.

Juhani Mäkinen. Confirmed DM Leader in Otavia

Outlaw Motorcycle Gangs

EUROPOL is especially concerned about the spread of outlaw motorcycle gangs into Europe from the U.S., Canada, and Australia. Since 2005, there has been steady growth in the membership of such gangs worldwide. In Europe, the number of clubs has more than doubled.

The main threat to public safety from outlaw motorcycle gangs stems from their propensity for extreme forms of violence. This includes the use of firearms and explosive devices such as grenades. In general, the use of intimidation and violence is intrinsic to the subculture of outlaw motorcycle gangs and serves to exert control over group members, rival gangs and others, such as victims of extortion.

Founded originally in the southeastern United States, Furnace is the only biker gang in Otso. Otso was the first successful expansion of Furnace MC outside the U.S. Smaller domestic motorcycle gangs were “patched over” into Furnace after the ‘Nordic Biker Wars’ of the 1990s. Otso is currently a “one patch country” where only the Furnace patch is allowed. This is a multi-racial gang, unlike most other clubs which are organized along racial lines. Other large U.S., European, and Australian gangs are attempting to establish themselves in Otso, leading to violent encounters which have made national attention. Furnace MC in Otso is involved in almost every crime imaginable, including local methamphetamine production and distribution, prostitution, smuggling, extortion, protection, motorcycle and car theft, and murder for hire. There are suspected cases of them working for the Donovian Mafia, and doing contract smuggling for the Nutakus in Bothnia.

Furnace Patch with Club Top Rocker and Chapter Bottom Rocker

FURNACE MC define themselves as “the oven where trash is burned and steel is hardened”. Club colors are black and red. Full members wear back patch of a flaming skull. Top rocker is club name. Bottom rocker is chapter location. MC patch on right. 1%er patch on left. In Otso, this is translated to “Yksi Prosentti”: Otsan language translation for One Percenter, or outlaw biker. The name “FLAMER” is the only nametag allowed on the front of a member’s colors unless he is the chapter president or enforcer. Prospects wear only the bottom rocker on the back, and an embroidered nametag in the left-front which says “BLASTER”. No other patches are allowed on a prospect’s colors.

Titles/Name tags:

• “Breaker”. Chapter President.
• “Blaster”. Prospective member, usually a year or longer, must “survive the blast”, or successfully complete all tasks assigned without question or concern.
• “Flamer”. Full patch member.
• “Destructor”. Club enforcer, a member who has killed for the club. A destructor is a special member function that ends the life of a competitor. The purpose of the destructor is to free up the resources of the victim and acquire them for the club.

Club tattoos are allowed only for full members. Anyone with these tattoos that are not Furnace members (including Blasters) will be beaten, and the tattoo will be removed with a razor or burned off with a torch. All full members have the black flames on their right forearm. The flaming skull shown in the photo on either the right or left shoulder indicates a Destructor. Full members may have the back patch tattooed to their back. Flame representations may only be red or black. All clothing and accessories with Furnace emblems are considered club property and are kept when a member dies or leaves the club.

Flamer Club Tattoo	Destructor Club Tattoo

<center>   An Otso “Blaster” Arrested for Vehicle Theft

Human Rights / Universal Health Care

Otso has a highly decentralized three level publicly funded system of health care and alongside these, a much smaller private health care system. All Otsans have equal access to health care, regardless of their income or where they live. Coverage is virtually universal. Responsibility for health care is devolved to the municipalities (local government). For the organization of specialized medical care, four hospital districts divide Otso. One hospital district can run several hospitals. Health expenditure in 2011 is 14.99% (USD12.34 billion).

Air pollution, mainly by fine particles and ground level ozone, continues to pose a significant threat to health: it shortens average life expectancy in most industrial countries, however Otso with a light industrial service based economy has better air. Air pollution has little discernible effect on the healthy development of children.

Skolkan countries have a very high standard of safe drinking water.

Efficient wastewater treatment, good drinking water quality, low water charges and a reliable supply make the Otsan water sector more or less invisible to the public. People take a functioning water and sanitation sector for granted and, thus, consumer water organizations do not exist. Strong self‐government and municipal responsibility also makes the issue uninteresting for national politicians, with mainly discussions and debates between water professionals and local politicians about water and sanitation services. Many municipalities have established limited companies, multi‐utility or sole water companies. Hydro power provides 16% of Otso’s energy. It is self‐sufficient in water resources.

Health Standards

There are 192 residents for each doctor. About 18% of health care is funded directly by households and 79% by taxation. Otso limits medicine sales to about 400 licensed pharmacies. Some significant institutions include Ministry of Health and National Institute for Health and Welfare.

Life expectancy is 83 years for women and 76 years for men. After having one of the highest death rates from heart disease in the world in the 1970s, improvements in the Otsonian diet and exercise have paid off. Otso has exceptionally low smoking rates: 26% for males and 19% for females.

Otso's health problems are similar to other developed countries: circulatory diseases make up about half of all causes of death, and cancer is the second most common cause of death.

The total annual consumption of pure alcohol by residents is lower than other European countries, even though heavy drinking is common at parties on the weekend. However, becoming intoxicated has remained the central characteristic of Otsonian drinking habits. This is most prevalent in the far North where alcoholism has become a significant issue. Weather, isolation, and long dark winters are suspected to be the main contributors influencing the trend. Alcoholism has also been attributed to the high number of suicides in the winter months. In the working‐age population, diseases or accidents caused by alcohol consumption have recently surpassed coronary artery disease as the biggest single cause of death.

Schools teach sports, health and hands‐on cooking classes. The National Public Health Institute claims that 54% of males and 38% of females are overweight, while other estimates put the rates at 70% and 50%.

The most striking of all Otsonian health problems is the high average mortality rate for males once they reach adulthood, which contributed to an average longevity in the mid‐1990s of only 73.2 years. Health authorities have attributed the high mortality rates of the Otsonian male to diet, excessive use of tobacco, disruption of communities through migration, and a tradition of high‐risk behavior that is particularly marked in the working‐class men in eastern Otso. Mortality rates of women, with the exception of women over sixty‐five, compared well with those of other Skolkan countries. A reason for this discrepancy between Otsan and other Skolkan older women is the higher Otsonian incidence of coronary problems, which occur later in women than men.

Primary and Secondary Care

Primary health care is obtained from district health centers employing general practitioners and nurses that provide most day‐to‐day medical services. The general practitioners are also gatekeepers to the more specialized services in the secondary and tertiary care sectors. The municipalities through district hospitals where more specialist care is available provide secondary care. Otso also has a network of university teaching hospitals which makes up the tertiary level. These contain the most advanced medical facilities in the country and they are where Otsonian doctors learn their profession. The municipalities fund these, but national government meets the cost of medical training.

There is a high level of co‐operation between the various sectors with almost all having access to computerized patient data based on open source software compliant with Clinical Document Architecture subset of Health Level Seven International (HL7) interoperability standards. HL7 is the global authority on standards for interoperability of health information technology. Since the 1990s, the planning system for basic health care has been extended and now plans not just health care services but also homecare for the elderly and day care for children creating a fairly seamless cradle to grave system.

The separate private health care system is very small. Between 3 and 4% of hospital in‐patient care is provided by the private health care system and the remainder by the public system. Physiotherapy, dentistry and occupational health services are the main areas where the private sector is most used, although the municipalities by law also have to provide basic dental services. Obliged by law, employers provide occupational health care services for their employees, as are educational establishments for their students as well as their staff. Only about 10% of the income of private sector income comes from private insurance. Most is paid for from personal income, but a significant share of the cost is reclaimable from the National Insurance system. Spectacles, however, are not publicly subsidized.

A patient’s injury law gives patients the right to compensation for unforeseeable injury that occurred as a result of treatment or diagnosis. Health care personnel need not be shown to be legally responsible for the injury thus avoiding the development of a litigious blame culture and the development of defensive medical practices. To receive compensation, it is sufficient that unforeseeable injury as defined by law occurred. A law on patients’ status and rights, the first such law in Europe, ensures a patient’s right to information, to informed consent to treatment, the right to see any relevant medical documents, and the right to autonomy. Legislation also lays down the time frame in which a person must be ensured access to necessary medical care and defines the small percentage of treatments that are to be considered as non‐urgent. Doctors comply with care guidelines set by medical experts, but these are just guidelines and doctors are free to decide independently how to treat patients. The government does not dictate how doctors may treat their patients.

The quality of service provided by Otsonian health care is considered good. Otsonian health care expenditures are below the European average.

Overall, the municipalities (funded by taxation, local and national) meet about two thirds of all medical care costs and the remaining one third by the national insurance system (nationally funded), and private finance (either employer funded or met by patients themselves). There are caps on total medical expenses that are paid from personal income for drugs and hospital treatments. All necessary costs over these caps are paid for by the national insurance system. Public spending on health care in 2010 was USD3.5 billion, equivalent to USD2,522 per person annually. The increase over 2009 at 8% was below the OECD average of 9%. Household budgets directly met 18% of all health care costs.

Hospitals. A list of hospitals in Otso is below:

• Iisalmi Hospital, Iisalmi
• Kainuu Central Hospital, Kajaani
• University of Eastern Otso Hospital, Kuopio (Heliport)
• North Karelia Central Hospital, Joensuu (Heliport)
• South Karelia Central Hospital, Lappeenranta
• Varkaus Hospital, Varkaus
• University of Otavia Hospital, Otavia (Heliport)

Centers of Social Power

Business Associations

Confederation of Otsonian Industries (COI). COI is the largest business organization in Otso. It was formed in the beginning of 2005, under the current chairman Mr Jaakko Sasi, when two private sector organizations, Employers of the Service Sector and Union of Industries and Employers, united. COI's member companies collectively contribute over 70% of Otso's GDP, and over 95% of Otso's exports. It has considerable negotiating power, since Otso has universal validity of collective labor agreements, and often a Comprehensive Income Policy Agreement is reached. COI focuses its activity on the following goals:

• A business environment which stimulates growth and success for companies
• Securing the competitiveness of Otsonian business
• Determining policies to benefit from the opportunities offered by globalisation
• Economic policies promoting competitiveness
• Efficient member services

The organization consists of:

• 12 branch associations
• About 5,000 member companies, 96% of which are small and medium enterprises (SMEs)
• About 150,000 employees

Employee Associations

OTU is the largest trade union confederation in Otso. Its member organizations make up about one fifth of the country's population (260,000). Founded in 1969, the present chairman, Mr Topias Ilola, was elected in 2008. The other two Otsonian trade unions confederations are the Otsonian Confederation of Salaried Employees (OCSE) and the Confederation of Unions for Academic Professionals in Otso (CUAPO). The most important negotiating partner of OTU is the Confederation of Otsonian Industries (COI), which represents the majority of Otsonian employers. Current member unions are:

• Construction Trade Union
• Otsonian Aviation Union
• Otsonian Cabin Crew Union
• Otsonian Electrical Workers' Union
• Otsonian Food Workers' Union
• Otsonian Locomotive Men’s Union
• Otsonian Musicians' Union
• Otsonian Post and Logistics Union
• Otsonian Railwaymen's Union
• Otsonian Seamen's Union
• Otsonian Social Democratic Journalists' Union
• Otsonian Transport Workers' Union
• General Union of Journalists
• Industrial Union Team
• Metalworkers' Union
• Paper workers' Union
• Railway Salaried Staff's Union
• Service Union United
• Theatre and Media Employees in Otso
• Trade Union for the Public and Welfare Sectors
• Coastguard Union
• Otsonian Customs Officers' Union
• Otsonian NCOs' Union
• Otsonian Prison Officers' Union
• Union of Foremen in Commerce
• Wood and Allied Workers' Union

Families

In the last quarter century, a profound demographic and economic change has been occurring affecting the Otsonian family. Families became smaller, dropping from an average of 3.6 persons in 1990 to an average of 2.7 by 2010. Family composition did not change much, however, and in 2010 the percentage of families that consisted of a man and a woman was 24.4%; of a couple and children, 61.9%; of a woman with offspring, 11.8%; of a man and offspring, 1.9%. These percentages are not markedly different from those of 1990. The number of children per family is a clear example of the seen change, which fell from an average of 2.2 in 1980 to an average of 1.7 in the early 2000s, and large families were rare. Only 2% of families had four or more children, while 51% had one child; 38%, two children; and 9%, three children. The number of Otsans under the age of 18 dropped below 18% between 1980 and 2010.

Upper Class

The country’s upper class accounts for about 1% of the economically active population. It is made up of the owners, directors, or managers or large industrial concerns, banks, and commercial institutions in the private sector, as well as the heads of large state companies, agencies, and senior civil servants in the public sector. Some members of the country’s upper class inherited their wealth or position. However, in the post war era most upper class appeared to be hired professionals. Much of the membership of the upper class came from the upper reaches of Otsonian society, but several factors resulted in its having a more heterogeneous composition than earlier; the coming to power of socialist parties with leaderships from various classes, the common practice of politicizing senior civil service appointments, and the greater importance of state institutions.

Middle Class

The large group engaged in non‐manual, white‐collar occupations split into a lower middle class and an upper middle class. Educational level, recruitment criteria, complexity of tasks, level of income, and commitment to the organization are among the factors that determine to which of these two classes a person belongs. Both classes had grown since the war, doubling in size between 1960 and 1990, but the lower middle class share of the total work force in 2010 amounted to 24%, making it the second largest class in Otso and dwarfing the 8% of the upper middle class. Both levels of the middle class have members born in other classes, but the lower middle class have more, one third having a farming background and another third coming from the working class.

Working Class

Otso classifies a worker as anyone employed for primarily manual work, which includes some white‐collar wage earners. The working class had accounted for about 50% of the economically active work force during the entire post war period, but the sectors in which it was employed have changed. The share of workers employed in agriculture and forestry had dropped from 22% to 4% in 2000, while the share active in manufacturing and services had increased to 60% and to 26%, respectively. By the 2002, Otsonian workers had become much more integrated into society than they had been in the immediate post war period, but they still identified strongly with their labor unions and with the parties that had traditionally represented them.

Class Mobility

The most important factor determining social mobility in Otso is education. Children who attain a higher level of education than their parents were often able to rise in the hierarchy of occupations. A tripling or quadrupling in any one generation of the numbers receiving schooling beyond the required minimum reflected the needs of a developing economy for skilled employees. Obtaining advanced training or education was easier for some than for others, however, and the children of white collar employees still were more likely to become white‐collar employees themselves than were the children of farmers and blue collar workers. In addition, children of white‐collar professionals were more likely than not to remain in that class.

The classification is based on information on the person's main type of activity, occupation, occupational status and industry. Persons have been classified according to their activity with the exception of children aged 0‐15 and the group "others outside the labor force" (mainly persons looking after their own household), who are classified under the same socio‐economic status as the household‐dwelling unit's reference person. The main groups of the classification of socio‐economic status used in the census are:

• Employers and own‐account workers
• Upper‐level white‐collar workers
• Lower‐level white‐collar workers
• Blue‐collar workers
• Students
• Pensioners
• Others

Basic Cultural Norms and Values

Gender Issues

Gender equality has long been a core value in Otso rooting back to their time as Ostobothnia. Similar to Bothnia, equality is adopted in the Constitution and, more specifically, in their adoption of the Equal Rights Act between Women and Men (Equality Law). The Ministry of Social Affairs and Health (MSAH) plays a key role in promoting gender equality by:

• Preparing legislation
• Monitoring the situation of gender equality nationwide
• Coordinating the development of activities on gender equality
• Promoting the implementation of the objectives of the government's equality policy The promotion of Otsonian gender equality encompasses eight main themes: 1. Gender mainstreaming 2. Equality in your work life 3. Equal pay 4. Equality in training 5. Women have a voice 6. Balancing work and family 7. Preventing domestic abuse 8. Men and equality The principles of equality in Otso also encompass equality regardless of age, origin, language, religious belief, or health. The MSAH is responsible for implementing equality in workplaces via the network of occupational safety and health inspectorates. Overall, equality matters in Otso are the remit of the Ministry of the Interior. Every four years the MSAH and The Otso Statistics Group (OSG) publish the Equality Assessment, which reports on the state of gender equality in the country and the gendered division of work and power relations in different areas of life.