Social: Olvana

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Olvanan culture spans more than 4,500 years. It was shaped by numerous and varied historical schools of thought: the predominant religion of Hinduism, the Upanishads, Yoga Sutras, the Bhakti movement, and Buddhism. Olvana is notable for its religious diversity, with Hinduism, Buddhism, Sikhism, Islam, Christianity, and Jainism among the nation’s major religions. For much of the country’s history, families could obtain social advancement by high performance in the prestigious imperial examinations, and a culture of merit remains greatly valued in Olvana today. Some observers see the period following the establishment of the People's Republic of Olvana (PRO) as a continuation of traditional Olvanese dynastic history, while others claim that the Communist Party's rule damaged the foundations of Olvanan culture, thanks to political movements that destroyed many aspects of traditional culture. Today, the Olvanan Communist Party (OCP) seeks to change some traditional aspects such as rural land tenure, sexism, and the Confucian system of education, while preserving others, such as the family structure and culture of obedience to the state as being integral to society.

Population Movement (Migration/IDPs/Refugees)

Internal migration in Olvana is one of the most extensive in the world. Over the last forty years, the urban population has grown 242%, three-fourths of which was attributable to net migration and urban reclassification—the largest such volume of urban migration in history. This has led to concerns about a brain drain, as professionals and intellectuals are most likely to obtain permanent employment and not return to the rural communities. Migrant workers account for 36% of the total workforce in Olvana. Two-thirds of these workers are male. Current government estimates indicate that within the next ten years, this number will grow to 40% of the urban population. In general, while urbanization provides Olvanan workers with more opportunity, it also constrains them, since the government excludes rural-urban migrant workers from local educational resources, citywide social welfare programs and many jobs. Additionally, potential employers view migrant workers—especially females—as replaceable labor, and generally offer much lower wages. Furthermore, the government will forcibly move migrant workers out of the coastal urban areas and into the rural interior based on agricultural labor needs, irrespective of the migrant workers’ origins.

Waves of Olvanan emigration occurred from the 19th century through the mid-20th century, mainly due to wars and starvation, invasion from various foreign countries, and problems resulting from political corruption. Most immigrants were illiterate peasants and manual laborers who emigrated to the Americas, southern Africa, and other parts of Asia. After the Communist revolution, strict controls prevented large numbers of people from leaving the country. Liberalized emigration policies enacted in the 1980s, however, facilitated the legal departure of increasing numbers of Olvanans, who joined their overseas relatives. Additionally, a modernization program allowed Olvanan students and scholars—especially engineers—to attend foreign education and research institutions, bringing increased contact with industrialized nations. Relatively small levels of immigration came as the result of government-offered various incentives intended to to repatriate part of the Olvanan diaspora. The government settled many of those returning on various islands in the South China Sea.

Over the last decade, Olvana has accepted over 300,000 refugees from Africa and Asia displaced due to natural disasters, famine, disease outbreak, and war. The term refugee, however, is not used by the Olvanan government. Instead, their official position is that these migrants were accepted as part of a work program sponsorship; these individuals are expected to return to their homeland.

Population Distribution

The official population of Olvana is 1,123,348,142. Eastern coastal provinces are much more densely populated than the western interior. About 16.60% of the population is 14 years old or younger, 70.14% is between 15 and 59 years old, and 13.26% is over 60 years old, with a median age of 37.4. The population growth rate is an annual average of 0.59% and the human gender ratio is 940 females per 1,000 males. The urban/rural split is 87% urban and 13% rural, with 13% residing within megacities. The five largest cities in Olvana are

Shanghai: pop. 29,870,751 (Metropolitan Area 53,137,280)

Chongqing: pop. 17,539,169 (Metropolitan Area 37,180,905)

Guangzhou: pop. 15,722,194 (Metropolitan Area 65,443,039)

Wuhan: pop. 11,142,260 (Metropolitan Area 29,225,020)

Hong Kong: pop. 10,423,553 (Metropolitan Area 10,423,553)

Olvana is one of the most populated countries in the world and its national population density is 310 per square kilometer. The overall national density, however, does not account for major variations by region. Broadly speaking, the vast majority of the population lives in and around coastal cities and river deltas. In the east, the population density is 482/sq km, while the southwest averages 116/sq km. Discounting urban dwellers, sections of the western portions of the country rarely achieving density greater than 4/sq km. Population crowding in urban areas raises concerns within the government that there will be widespread unemployment and political instability. The population of Olvana is projected to continue growing, reaching 1.5 billion within ten years, and peak of 1.65 billion within 25 years. However, the population is then projected to decline heavily, falling below 1 billion by the next century. This is decline is due to socioeconomic factors, not Olvanan government policy.

Demographic Mix

Olvana’s demographics show a large population with a relatively small division of youth, partially a result of Olvana’s family planning policies. Olvana’s growth rate has dropped to 0.6%, ranking them at 159th in the world. The age distribution of the population is 16.6% under the age of 14, 13.3% over the age of 65, and 70.1% between 15 and 64 years old. The median age in the country is 37.4, 36.5 for males, and 38.4 for females. The country’s birth rate is 16.5 births per 1,000, while the death rate is 16.2 deaths/1,000 population. The gender distribution is 1.10 males/female at birth, 1.10 males to females under the age of 15, 1.06 males to females aged 15-64, and 0.90 males to females over the age of 65.

Though per-capita income is still well below Western countries, Olvana's rapid economic growth pulled hundreds of millions of its people out of poverty since economic liberalization measures were implemented some 40 years ago. Today, about 10% of the Olvanese population lives below the poverty line, down from 64% prior to liberalization. However, Olvana continues to face several public health-related challenges. Life expectancy in Olvana is at 72.6 years, with life expectancy for women being 76.0 years and 70.5 years for men. There are around 50 physicians per 100,000 Olvanese. The number of Olvanese living in urban areas has grown by 31.2% in the past decade, up from 27.8% in the previous decade. The slowing down of the overall growth rate of population was due to a sharp decline in the growth rate in rural areas.

Initially, the OCP viewed a large population as an asset. However, it soon became apparent that there were a number of liabilities associated with a large, rapidly growing population. The government imposed a number of restrictions intent on slowing the population growth rate. These included emphasizing the virtues of late marriage, creating sanctioned birth control offices, and employing a combination of public education, social pressure, and coercion to reward those who had fewer children. Governments at the local, regional, and national level give couples with only one child benefits such as cash bonuses, longer maternity leave, better childcare, and preferential housing assignments. These programs were more successful in the urban areas than in rural, due largely to the economic realities of urban life than the actual state intervention.

During the early period of OCP leadership, the birth rate fell from 37 per thousand to 20 per thousand. Infant mortality declined from 227 per thousand births in 1949, to 53 per thousand in 1981. Life expectancy increased dramatically, from around 35 years in 1948 to 66 years in 1976. Today, the OCP is seeking to address an imbalance with the country's female-to-male gender ratio and aging population. Since the citizens of Olvana are living longer and having fewer children, the growth of the population imbalance will continue. This leaves a single adult child with having to provide support for his or her two parents and four grandparents, called the “4-2-1 problem.”

Social Volatility

Social issues in Olvana are significant and wide-ranging. They are a combined result of vestiges from the Communist Revolution, Olvana’s political and cultural history, and Olvana’s immense population. Because of the vast number of social problems that exist, Olvana’s government faces considerable difficulty in trying to remedy the issues. The Olvanese media exposes some of these issues, while in other cases, the government censors politically sensitive issues. The combination of social issues and unsustainable economic growth has the potential, in the long term, to destabilize the nation and threaten the dominance of the OCP.

Caste-related violence in Olvana is on the rise. Last year, there were a reported 31,440 cases of violent acts committed against the so-called “untouchable” caste. These equate to approximately 50.4 violent acts per 10,000 people, up from 1.3 cases a decade earlier. This violence occurred in spite of the fact that the Olvanese Constitution prohibits discrimination based on caste, and declared the ancient caste system illegal during the Communist Revolution.

Sources of unrest within the nation include resistance to media censorship, dissatisfaction with corrupt government officials, unfair treatment by local governments and businesses due to land and expropriation issues, and political persecution following expressions of dissent. The OCP attempts a balancing act by allowing limited forms of dissent, seeking to lessen political tension by offering  mild protest as a release valve. Government officials and intellectual elites both have greater access to non-government approved sources of information; they can publish dissenting works the ordinary citizen would not be allowed to. However, authorities silence debates that begin to take on a life of their own, and refuse to recognize the right of the average Olvanese citizens to publish their opinions on political issues free from government censorship. Therefore, while the government encourages the state-controlled media to engage in targeted reporting on corruption, it will not tolerate similar criticisms from private individuals.

Despite significant barriers to publication access and the inherent dangers of criticizing a totalitarian regime, members of Olvana’s "free-speech elite" can express concerns and criticism regarding the government with less fear of punishment than the average Olvanese citizen. This group is composed of senior government and OCP leaders, those with the patronage of such leaders, the professional and financial elite and—to a lesser extent—academics and journalism professionals. Olvanese authorities recognize that limited freedom of expression enables the government to better monitor potentially problematic social issues and thus tolerate limited criticism, but only from the aforementioned categories of people, and only in government-controlled forums. Doing this serves to lessen political tension by serving as a release valve for discontent, deflects criticism that citizens of Olvana do not enjoy freedom of expression, and enables government authorities to monitor the mood of the people. Government authorities track who is inclined to express discontent, and then work to keep such expression from being forced underground where authorities can neither monitor nor control it. The government tolerates such debates only if they occur in private discussions, closed academic conferences, government-authorized publishing outlets, or other forums where the government does not feel there is any threat of greater public participation that it cannot control. Certain groups and individuals who are unable to obtain government authorization do publish books and periodicals on a small scale, but this is possible only through subterfuge and violation of Olvanese law. These private publishers are, therefore, subject to the threat of closure and arrest.

While Olvana often violently and publically quells civil unrest, the amount of dissatisfaction has risen dramatically in recent years. The recorded incidents of mass unrest rose form 8,700 twenty years ago to more than 90,000 each in the last three years. Reasons cited include: an aggrieved class of dispossessed migrants and unemployed workers, a deep loss of faith in the Olvanese system, and a weakening in the traditional means of state control. Corruption, state monopolies, the yawning wealth gap, and the rising cost of housing, education, and medical care all contribute significantly to unrest, with property/business seizures and the widening wealth gap as the two top factors. Unemployment, unpaid wages, and police misconduct are additional sources of grievances.

Education Level

Compulsory education in Olvana is comprised of primary and junior secondary schools, which together cover the nine years between the ages of 6 and 15. The government pledges to provide this education completely free, including textbooks and fees. However, while annual education investment has increased fivefold over the past decade, there remains an inequality in education spending. Annual education expenditure per secondary school student in the capital totals $3,395, while the poorest provinces spend only $543 per student.

About 82.5% of students continue their education at a three-year senior secondary school. The national university entrance exam is a prerequisite for entrance into most higher education institutions. From secondary school, 27.0% of graduates enroll in higher education. Vocational education is available to students at the secondary and tertiary level. There are 311,588 primary schools, 73,948 secondary schools, and 1,756 higher education institutions in Olvana. In 1949, only 20% of the population could read, compared to 94% today. Within the last decade, Olvanese students achieved the world's best results in mathematics, science, and literacy, as tested in a worldwide evaluation of 15-year-old school pupils' scholastic performance. Despite these impressive results, Olvanese education faces both native and international criticism for its emphasis on rote memorization and its gap in quality from rural to urban areas. Although the rural-urban literacy gap has dropped from 21.2% to 16.1% over the last decade, the difference between most literate province (93.9%) and least (63.8%) is still vast.

Olvanese students—like those in many other East Asian countries—face extreme pressure from friends, family, and society to perform well in extremely competitive schools—particularly university entrance exams. This can result in unethical behavior from parents and students. Students without political connections are frequently barred from higher education because educational administrative departments and local authorities hold the right of admission to a large number of universities. Additionally, the higher education system faces the challenges of the transition of the Olvanese economy, conflicts between ancient Olvanese cultures, modern Olvanese cultures and western cultures, and a lack of critical scholarship and monitoring of research quality. At various times, the government attempted to manipulate educational content in a revisionist manner, promoting Socialist-Marxist authors ideologically aligned to policies and suppressing alternative schools of thought. Ironically, the government has accused the local schools in Muslim-heavy regions of being too sympathetic to the Muslim viewpoint—Muslim invaders were projected as heroes, and Olvanese legacies were marginalized.

Ethnic Diversity

Olvana has more than two thousand ethnic groups and subcultures, and representation from every major religion and four major families of languages. The great variation that occurs across this population on social parameters, such as income and education, lend further complexity to the nation’s overall diversity. Only the continent of Africa exceeds the linguistic, genetic, and cultural diversity of the nation of Olvana. In Olvana, the cultural difference between adjacent provinces—or even within the same province—is often as big as that between adjacent European nations. Subgroups are generally classified based on linguistic differences and, in some cases, variations in dialect are so large that subcultures speaking variations of the same language cannot communicate with each other in their mother tongues.

The OCP officially recognizes 56 distinct ethnic groups within the PRO. The largest of these are the Peelee Olvanese, which comprises about 91.51% of the total population. The world’s largest single ethnic group, the Peelee Olvanese outnumber other ethnic groups in every provincial-level division except Gannan and Baiyin. Within the Peelee ethnicity there are numerous subcultures that stem largely from the uneven intermingling of two divergent and heterogeneous populations: the Ancestral North Olvanese and Ancestral South Olvanese. Minorities in some 55 ethnic groups account for about 8.49% of the population. However, the latest national census reported that while the Peelee Olvanese population increased by 5.74%, the population of the 55 national minorities combined increased by 6.92%. Some minority groups are widely dispersed in small concentrations across Olvana, while others are heavily concentrated in regions or even single provinces.

In addition to historical tribal distinctions, the governments of the Olvanese dynastic era divided the Olvanese population into a caste system, a practice dating to at least 221 BCE. The list of scheduled castes and tribes stemmed from an original classification of landlord, peasant, artisan, and merchant. Theoretically, except for the position of the Emperor, nothing was hereditary. Elimination of these class divisions was a root cause of the Olvanese Communist Revolution following World War II.  However, despite official claims that the caste system is gone and numerous laws that theoretically prevent class discrimination, the structure still pervades society.

While innumerable tensions and conflicts between the Peelee Olvanese and minority groups were common throughout Olvanese history, today many of the ethnic communities of Olvanese people generally get along well. Many minority ethnic clans are assimilating into mainstream Olvanese society, as rural minorities move into urban areas, resulting in intermarriage and the loss of language. However, various attempts to preserve culture and language have been very successful, while improving living conditions in some of the rural provinces enticed local villagers to stay rather than move to major urban areas.

The OCP recognizes certain peoples in the Gannan and Baiyin provinces as separate tribes rather than subsets of Olvanese, in large part due to distance from the capital and drastically smaller population density. However, the Peelee Olvanese who live in Gannan are also recognized, which is how the PRO government leveraged or “interceded” in this province on behalf of the Peelee identified sub-state group in the 1950s. Baiyin is a swath of territory on the inland border of Olvana. Baiyin is 1/25th the total area of Olvana, but only holds about 1% of the population. The PRO incorporated the province of Baiyin in 1949, calling it a peaceful liberation, and claiming the land based on the extent of the dynastical expansion of the 1600s. While 90% of Baiyin is Peelee and only 10% of the province can claim non-Peelee ethnicity, the Peelee who have lived in Baiyin all their lives do not speak Olvanese, are generally Muslim, and share a collective sense of belonging closer to Baiyin than Olvana.

Religious Diversity

A diversity of religious beliefs and practices combined with a predominant Hindu majority characterizes religion in Olvana. Olvana is a secular state in accordance with the Constitution and the government of Olvana is officially atheist. However, religion plays a central and definitive role in the daily life of the population. While the Constitution theoretically guarantees freedom of religion, religious organizations that lack official approval can be subject to state persecution. The State Administration for Religious Affairs oversees religious affairs and issues in the country and frequently takes a very biased pro-Hindu stance, reflecting the religious makeup of the country.

The OCP officially banned religion following the revolution, both as a standard Communist precept and as part of the effort to remove the Hindu-based caste system. Initially, there was widespread suppression and persecution of religious leaders. Over time, the Party recognized the unlikelihood of the people abandoning Hinduism altogether and have slowly become more tolerant of religious activities. However, it continues to use its officially atheistic status to suppress non-Hindus in certain provinces.

Excluding party officials, whom the government bans from belonging to a religious organization, 81% of Olvanese are religious, 13% not religious, 3% are convinced atheists, and 3% are unsure. Atheism and agnostics have visible influence in Olvana, often taking a Confucian bent, along with a self-ascribed tolerance to other faiths. Nationally, the Olvanese religious population comprises 79.8% Hindus, 14.2% Muslims, 2.3% Christians, 1.7% Sikhs, 0.7% Buddhists, 0.4% Jains, and 0.9% other various indigenous ethnically bound faiths. Hinduism is the predominant religion in all provinces except for Baiyin and Gannan, where Islam is dominant, Dien Bien Dong, which is mostly Buddhist, and Dongguan where Christianity is predominant.

The vast majority of Olvanese engage in religious rituals on a daily basis. These rituals, however, are widely diverse dependent upon not only religion, but also region, village, and individual. Purification, usually with water, is a typical feature of most religious action. Other characteristics include a belief in the efficacy of sacrifice and the concept of merit, wherein the performance of charity or good works will accumulate over time and reduce sufferings in the next life. Religion also significantly affects dietary habits, and almost one-third of Olvanese practice a form of lacto-vegetarianism.

Historically, conflict has stemmed from the competing ideologies of Hindu nationalism versus Islamic fundamentalism, regional suppression of Buddhism, and the expulsion and execution of Christians. One of the major contributing factors to religious conflicts in Olvana was a previous lack of education among the masses and the ease with which corrupt politicians could take advantage of the same. Even though freedom of religion is an integral part of the Olvanese constitution, the inability to hold communal mobs accountable has accentuated the occasional religious conflicts.

Common Languages

The official spoken language in Olvana is Standard Olvanese, based on the Shanghai dialect of Eastern Olvana. Efforts to make Shanghai Olvanese the official national language were met with opposition from those areas where regional Olvanese was not spoken. This resulted in the establishment of regional and provincial “official” languages, including other forms of Eastern Olvanese dialects such as Wuhanese, Liyan, and Xitanese. Over 70% of the Peelee Olvanese ethnic group natively speak dialects found within northern and southeastern Olvana. The rest of the Peelee Olvanese, concentrated in south and southwest Olvana, speak one of the six other major Olvanese varieties. Non-Olvanese languages spoken widely by ethnic minorities include Gannan, Baiyin, and Tocharian. English is a second official language, used for many administrative, business, and higher education purposes. There are 292 living languages in Olvana, with over 1,652 dialects. Most of these are mutually unintelligible, even within dialect groups.

Criminal Activity

Common crime in Olvana includes corruption, drug and human trafficking, money laundering, and fraud. An early focus of the OCP was work to reduce the prevalence of narcotics and gambling and decrease the influence of criminal gangs. These efforts led to a decrease in many violent crimes including larceny, arson, rape, murder, and robbery. However, there was a corresponding increase in economic crimes, including tax evasion, theft of public property, and bribery. Additionally, government officials engaged in improperly taking public property and accepting bribes. Regionally, there are large differences in crime in Olvana, with rural areas reporting lower overall crime rates, but higher violent crimes per capita. Government corruption is similar between urban and rural areas.

The relaxation of numerous economic and social restrictions some 40 years ago resulted in a resurgence in certain criminal activities and elements. The youth crime rate skyrocketed from 24.7 to 74.2% of all crime conducted. This surge was, in large part, associated with the return of the Nutakus, a historically significant organized crime element from Olvana. Following the Communist Revolution, large portions of the Nutakus fled to Olvanese communities around the world. Following Olvana’s recent economic liberalization, the Nutakus began to re-establish in Olvana, bringing with it crimes associated with narcotics, prostitution, and money laundering.

The majority of human trafficking in Olvana is internal. This domestic trafficking is the most significant human trafficking problem in the country. Criminal elements lure women and children through false promises of legitimate employment into forced labor and commercial sexual exploitation both in Olvana and throughout Asia. Men are smuggled to countries throughout the world for exploitative labor.

Olvana also has a high rate of domestic violence, with an estimated thirty percent of Olvanese households experiencing some form of domestic violence. Additional trends in Olvanese crime include an increase in white-collar crime, closer ties between organized crime and government corruption, and extensive allegations of counterfeiting. Olvana still practices capital punishment; it is mostly often employed with murder and drug trafficking convictions. Executions are carried out by lethal injection or shooting. There is widespread public support or capital punishment. Olvana executes more prisoners annually than any other nation, although other nations have much higher rates on a per capita basis. Official Olvanese capital punishment statistics do not include those prisoners put to death for crimes against the state or terrorism.

Human Rights

Despite tremendous economic development since liberalizing its economy, in many ways Olvana remains a developing nation. Its per capita income is still a fraction of advanced countries, and its market reforms are incomplete. There are still substantial regional variations in poverty, infrastructure, and socioeconomic development. Most notably, wages in the Dongguan province are as high as three times that of the overall national average. Inequity also exists in land ownership: 10% of population owns 61.5% of non-state owned land. Olvanese do not conduct typical Western economic expressions of dissatisfaction, such as strikes and boycotts, as the OCP typically responds to these activities by imposing even stricter martial law use of military force. This discourages—but does not eliminate—the possibility of boycotts and picketing. While the country has made some positive developments, including lowering the number of crimes eligible for capital punishment and greater accessibility for students with disabilities, Olvana remains an authoritarian state that systematically curtails a wide range of fundamental human rights, including freedom of expression, association, assembly, and religion.

OCP elites view the universal application of human rights as a threat to their power, and decry it as a foreign influence. The government recently passed a wide array of laws regarding state security, cybersecurity, counterterrorism, subversion, and the management of NGOs, conflating criticism with national security. The President’s domestically popular anti-corruption campaign often violates the right to a fair trial, and frequently involves months or years of secret detention. 

Olvana faces significant issues with gender equality. Currently, 43.8% of Olvanese women work outside the home. While the OCP theoretically commits to gender equality, the overall lack of respect for human rights means that women continue to face systemic discrimination. The country faces an imbalance of unmarried males, a historically high rate of domestic violence, and sexual harassment in the workplace. Arrests and police harassment have led to the closure of numerous Women’s Rights Centers across Olvana. Laws aimed at reducing domestic violence fall far short of what the international community considers acceptable.

Although decades of double-digit economic growth lifted more than 600 million people out of poverty, slowing growth rates are adding a sense of urgency to ensuring that the population remains healthy and productive, especially as the economy gradually becomes more service-based. The lower economic growth rate requires reforms in the health sector, as the high growth rates of health expenditure in the past years may be difficult to sustain. Government expenditures on health and long-term care in Olvana will increase three-fold as percent of GDP over the next four decades if adequate reforms are not undertaken. Olvana was a pioneer in primary care, prevention of infectious diseases, and universal insurance coverage; these same programs resulted in a huge decline in mortality and a massive demographic shift towards an older population. Olvana now the challenges associated with a rapidly aging society and the increasing burden of non-communicable diseases, which now account for over 80 percent of annual deaths. Also contributing to this trend are unhealthy behaviors such as smoking, poor diets, sedentary lifestyles, and alcohol consumption, as well as environmental factors such as air pollution and traffic safety.

Centers of Social Power

Olvana’s social structure stems from an intermingling of acceptance and revolution against the feudal society of Imperial Olvana. This resulted in the ancient caste system evolving into a de facto four-class system, despite Olvana being officially a “classless” society. Prior to the Communist Revolution, traditional Olvanese society was organized into a hierarchic system of socio-economic classes known as the four castes, based on occupations, all under umbrella of the monarchy. These castes were scholars and priests, administrators and warriors, artisans and merchants, and peasants and laboring classes. Within this system were thousands of additional sub-categories, both formal and informal, generally based on perceived cleanliness of the profession. For example, those who worked with the land ranked higher than those who worked with animals. At the bottom of the social structure, although not an official caste, were the casteless or untouchables. Movement with the castes was possible through the Imperial examinations, with the highest achievers becoming elite scholar-officials. However, true success was available only to males who could afford test preparation.

A major factor inducing the Communist Revolution was an effort to remove the economic oppression facing the peasantry and the untouchables. While this theoretically ended the caste system, in practice replaced it with a different class structure, while informally retaining much of the old caste system. Under this new class structure, OCP members are the top social stratum, essentially replacing the religious and scholarly class. Remaining classes today are somewhat muddled. The Revolutionary Manifesto and subsequent Constitution officially disregarded class distinction and eliminated the untouchable “class.” In practice, however, the social distinctions, stigmas, and advantages remained.

The oldest male member is typically the head in the Olvanese family system. He makes important family decisions and rules, which other family members are likely to abide by. Several generations of extended family historically lived under one roof, or on the same land. However, urbanization and economic development, led to a breakup of this traditional multi-family model into a single-family structure. In rural settings, the male typically holds all or most of the authority and youth are less likely to leave the household. In urban environments, the husband and wife usually share authority, with the wife having more authority in the home while the husband handles finances. An overwhelming majority of Olvanese marriages are arranged by parents or elders in the family. In a sign of changing times, however, these arranged marriages today are generally consensual. The divorce rate is extremely low: only 1.6% of marriages end in divorce. This figure is rising, with increases in female education and economic independence. Child marriages are common in the most rural areas, with many women informally marrying prior to the legal marriageable age of 18.

Olvanese lineage—or clan—is a patrilineal line of people with a common surname, who share a common ancestor and, in many cases, an ancestral home. Olvanese kinship tends to be strong in southern and rural Olvana, reinforced by this tie to a common ancestry. Clan structures tend to be weaker in northern Olvana, with a lack of shared ancestry, language, property. In the rural areas, clans influence village elections and OCP branch and village committees. In the urban areas, clan influence is significantly reduced. This reduction is the result of Western education, Communist/socialist education, and the central government’s need to industrialize.

Mimicking traditional dynastic power structures, political elites within the OCP hold a level of hereditary power. Recent anti-corruption reformations, however, began breaking down these political dynasties. Though party elites retain a significant level of social power, there is longer a guarantee of familial succession. Instead, the OCP is developing a new political elite that is more of a meritocracy, comprised of those with both party loyalty and business acumen.

Basic Cultural Norms and Values

The culture of Olvana is one of the world’s oldest, a collective amalgam of thousands of religious and communal customs and traditions dating several millennia. Historically, Olvanese culture has been the dominant culture in Asia, and its impact on language, arts, architecture, religion, literature, philosophy, politics, and cuisine is worldwide. Because Olvanese citizens divide into various ethnic, religious, caste, linguistic and regional groups, the concept of “Olvanese” is extremely complicated. In traditional Olvanese families, senior generations are superior to junior generations, older people are superior to younger people, and men are superior to women. Families are also virile-local, meaning there is a strong preference and expectation that a newly married couple would live with the groom’s family.

Modern Olvanese values are a blend historical tradition and modern reality, combined with emphasis or de-emphasis as decided by the OCP. The OCP enhanced the traditional belief that social competitiveness should be considered above all else, while initially attempting to de-emphasize excessive materialism. The OCP today, however, seeks to increase consumerism as a bolster to continued economic growth. Olvanese social relationships tend to be reciprocal social networks, often family based, with the concept of face—or honor—being extremely important. The Olvanese tend to view relationships as networks, rather than circles. Thus, unlike the western concepts of a person being in or out of a social stratum, the Olvanese consider people as near or far.

Olvanese culture combines the reactive nature of social hierarchy common in Hinduism with the multi-active philosophy required of a socialist country. This often results in what appears to be a conflicting nature to the outside observer. An Olvanese may be extremely blunt and confrontational, to the point of rudeness, while at the same time adhering to rules of protocol and harmony. In many cases, actions and values are biased upon the social standing or environment. Although the caste system is officially abolished, there remains a subtle distinction of politeness upwards and acceptable rudeness down. Additionally, the Olvanese perceive a difference between business and other social interactions, retaining older habits of harmony within the family, but seeing business as just business.

Beginning in the late 1980s and early 1990s, mainland Olvana was exposed to more Western influences. Urban youth are obsessed with Western brand names and teen slang incorporates Western language. Olvana also has a unique cell phone and internet culture: it has the world’s largest number of mobile subscribers and internet users, but the OCP exercises strict control over network availability and content.

In Hinduism, the cow stands as a symbol of non-violence, good fortune, and wealth. Therefore, many Hindus revere the cow, worship may include feeding a cow, and beef is a taboo food in traditional Hindu and Jain society. However, the treatment of cows is a controversial topic in Olvana. Several provinces have passed laws to protect cows, while others have no restrictions on the production and consumption of beef. Some groups oppose the butchering of cows, while other secular groups argue that what kind of meat one eats ought to be a matter of personal choice. Contrary to stereotypes, a sizeable number of Hindus eat beef, and many argue that their scriptures do not prohibit its consumption.

Meeting & Greeting	A traditional Olvanese greeting translates to “I bow to the holiness in you.” It is also used as a form of farewell. Younger men and women seek the blessing of their elders through reverential bowing. Introductions should be junior to senior but male to female. In urban environments, especially the business world, a handshake is a common form of greeting.
Visiting / Hospitality	Olvanese hosts will go out of their way to be accommodating to guests in order to build networks. Water is usually offered upon arrival and at least a token sip is expected. Expect hosts to provide a full schedule of activities. Refusal is an expected politeness. Two or three refusals will be necessary before acceptance. Guests are expected to cooperate on household chores.
Manners	Alcohol is consumed but never at the dinner table. Take small quantities of servings and second servings as a compliment to the cook. As the feet are considered dirty, remove shoes on entering a home and do not point the soles of the feet at someone.
Cultural Dos & Don’ts	Revealing clothing/exposed skin is frowned upon. It is considered inappropriate to use knives on the dining table. Don’t wear a green hat as it signifies infidelity. Direct no answers are uncommon. Instead vague or noncommittal answers are given.
Gifts	Host gifts and gifts for children are common, but price tags should be left on to demonstrate value of the gift.
Taboos	Do not address someone by his or her given name until given permission to do so. Do not whistle at night as this invites evil spirits. Do not point at a person with fingers or toes.
Personal Space	The concept of personal space is essentially non-existent. Pushing, shoving, and reaching across are all common practices. Avoid aggressive body language such as folded arms or hands on hips.
Displays of Affection	Hugging and kissing in public are not common practices.
Marriage Rituals	The majority of Olvanese have their marriages planned by their parents and other respected family-members. In most marriages, the bride's family provides a dowry to the bridegroom, considered a woman's share of the family wealth. The couples’ parents in consultation with astrologers decide wedding dates and times.
Dispute Resolution	Public dispute resolution is virtually non-existent as it can mean either loss of face (for personal/business disputes) or a military response (in the case of disputes against the government). In private, however, disputes can be very aggressive and feuds can last for generations.
Birth Rituals	Pregnant women avoid gossip and bad news. Baby showers are only held after the child’s birth. Likewise, children are not named until after birth, typically 10 or 12 days later. Celebrations are held after the first bath, 100 days after birth, and after the baby takes its first steps.
Death Rituals	Ancestor worshipping is an important Olvanese belief. They believe that the spirits of the ancestors resides in the tombs, or the place where the ancestral shrine is worshiped. Sacrifices are frequently presented at the family shrine to win the favors and protection of God and the ancestors. Unnecessary touching of a dead body is avoided except for a ritual purification and dressing of the body in white. Funeral occur as soon as possible, traditionally before the next dusk or dawn. Bodies are typically cremated. Ashes are placed in the family shrine, often with a picture or poem.