Political: North Torbia
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Olvana's normalized relations with the west in the late 1970s resulted in a lessening of political and economic interactions with the Democratic Peoples Republic of Torbia (DPRT). Decreasing Olvanan support contributed to a collapse of the DPRT economy, widespread famine, and political instability. The DPRT government reacted to these changed conditions by becoming more insular, restricting travel, cracking down on dissidents, and beginning a nuclear weapons and power program. Facing flooding, international sanctions, the global collapse of communism, and enormous food shortages and famines, the North Torbian government expanded the DPRT’s nuclear and missile development while gradually increasing the role of the military in government, codifying a military first policy that made the Torbian People’s Army (TPA) the most powerful political body in the country.
Political History
The DPRT, commonly called North Torbia, was born of a hasty negotiation between the United States and the People’s Republic of Olvana following Torbia’s occupation during WWII. Planners arbitrarily divided the Torbian portion of Luzon Island roughly in half from Lingayan Gulf to Dingalan Bay, with the US governing the southern portion and the Ovalnese the north. Olvana occupied and then governed the region until mid-1946, when Song Yang-Hwan, an Ovlanese-trained guerilla fighter and former Olvanese army officer, was placed at the head of the new Torbian communist party.
By 1949, the DPRT was a full-fledged communist state implementing a hardline totalitarian set of policies. The Torbian Worker’s Party (WPT) emerged as the dominant political body in the region, with Song Yang-Hwan serving as party head, head-of-state, and head-of government. Private industry was largely seized by the state, farms collectivized; dissenting political parties were suppressed and power consolidated into a single-party government.
The Torbian War was a formative event for the DPRT’s government. Song, along with Olvanese advisors, convinced Olvana that a DPRT invasion of the south, the Republic of Torbia (ROT), would be quick and decisive, resulting in the island being unified under the DPRT’s communist government. The DPRT massed forces on the border and invaded in 1950, meeting minimal resistance from the South Torbians and nearly completed their destruction before US/NATO intervention. The resulting US/NATO counterattack and subsequent Ovlanese intervention ultimately resulted in a stalemate that endured for nearly three more years before ceasefire terms were finally agreed upon. The war helped to consolidate Song’s power and gave rise to the concept of juche, an idea of “self-reliance” that has dominated DPRT politics since that time. The war also set into motion a series of complex diplomatic confrontations with the ROT, US, and Olvana that would eventually lead to North Torbia’s isolation and militarism.
Following the war, Olvanese interest in the DPRT led to substantial foreign investment. The North Torbian economy and industrial base grew rapidly (much more so than did the ROTs) throughout the 1950s and early 1960s. North Torbia would eventually joint the Non-Aligned Movement, a declaration of their independence from Olvanese control and a strong endorsement of juche. North Torbia was, however, still heavily dependent on Olvana as a trading partner, investor, and provider of financial and military aid.
As Olvana normalized relations with the west in the late 1970s, they gradually began lessening both political and economic interaction with the DPRT. This led to a complete collapse of the DPRT economy in 1986. Widespread famine and political instability ensued; the WPT responded by increasing restrictions on travel, cracking down on dissidents and beginning a nuclear weapons and power program. In 1994, Song died and was replaced as dictator by his son, Song Ji-Hoon. The elder Song never established specific official positions, thus, it fell to the younger Song to establish himself as party secretary and president. Soon after Ji-Hoon took power, a combination of factors, primarily flooding, global sanctions, and the collapse of the global communism combined to create an enormous food shortage and famine throughout North Torbia. Ji-Hoon expanded the DPRT’s nuclear and missile development while gradually increasing the role of the military in government. By 1998, the DPRT codified “Songun”, or “military first”, that made the Torbian People’s Army (TPA) the most powerful political body in the country.
Song Ji-Hoon died in 2013 and was succeeded by his son, Song Chong-Su. After a brief period consolidating his power, Chong-Su continued the provocative programs and policies of his predecessors. He also reorganized the DPRT government, creating the “State Commission” as the top of the party and the government, with him at the head.
Centers of Political Power
Tribes. Tribal politics dominated the premodern Torbian peninsula. However, very little of this tribal affiliation extended into the modern age, stamped out largely by foreign occupations. Aside from very small rural areas which we know little about, there is no meaningful tribal element in the DPRT.
Families. As in most Asian countries, family is deeply important to the North Torbian population and society. The family is the basic economic building block of the nation; the government administers much of the individual economy through a system called “cells” that essentially revolve around the patriarch of the family. Older parents often live with their children; this is ingrained in the society and is recognized and supported by the government. Families tend to be small and insular.
Elites. There are two basic classes of elite in the DPRT: the upper echelon of the WPT, and the upper echelon of the military. These two groups are indistinct and thoroughly intertwined. The innermost elites are those that surround Song, along with influential senior general officers: most major decisions made in the DPRT stem from this group. As in most autocratic nations, the majority of the DPRT political structure and economy is designed to preserve and protect this group.
Ethnic groups. The DPRT is very ethnically homogenous, and what minorities exist are virtually all East Asian in descent. The DPRT is notoriously unfriendly to non-Torbians, despite their long-standing dependence on foreign visitors for currency liquidity and smuggling. Small populations of foreign families maintain close knit communities scattered around the country. There were several historical ethnic groups, most prominently a variety of unique ethnicities in mountainous areas, but it is thought today that their communities and separate ethnic identities are extinct.
Military Authority
The Torbian People’s Army (TPA) dominates much of DPRT politics. General officers control the Advisory Council and in effect the entirety of the DPRT government. In turn, the WPT maintains political officers at every echelon of the TPA. The TPA essentially acts as a kingmaker in the DPRT – Song is ultimately dependent on their endorsement/protection to maintain power. The internal politics of the TPA are constantly shifting and are largely opaque to the west, but it is assumed that Song installs and supports supporters in the highest positions in order to enhance his own security.
Family Authority
As in most Asian countries, family is deeply important to the North Torbian population and society. The family is the basic economic building block of the nation; the government administers much of the individual economy through a system called “cells” that essentially revolve around the patriarch of the family. Older parents often live with their children; this is ingrained in the society and is recognized and supported by the government. Families tend to be small and insular. Family authority can be seen at the highest levels of government: the Song family is essentially a family dynasty. Many other senior government and military officials hand their authority/titles to offspring or other family members wherever possible.
Religious/Clerical Authority
The DPRT is officially an atheist state; formal religion has no meaningful role in government. The DPRT actively seeks to suppress religion and does not acknowledge any freedom of worship. Organized religions are typically persecuted and actively suppressed. However, folk religions such as Shamanism are still widely practiced, though informally and away from the eyes of the government. There are small numbers of Buddhists and Christians in the DPRT, but they have no legal status and are actively persecuted by the government.
Attitudes Toward the US
US/DPRT relations have been highly strained and formally nonexistent. The DPRT views the US as intruders into Torbia and wants American presence on the island gone. The DPRT regularly antagonizes the US government. No formal research data exists about North Torbian citizens’ opinion of American citizens or government. The US and DPRT do not have formal diplomatic relations; all diplomacy is conducted through third parties. The US and DPRT do not have any meaningful economic connection aside from small numbers of American-affiliated NGOs. The US and DPRT share little culture; however, there is thought to be a large and growing grey/black market for western and especially American media among younger North Torbians. Despite various embargoes and tensions, the US continues to supply the DPRT with foreign aid to the tune of nearly $1.6 billion since 1995.
Attitude Toward US Trade
The US and DPRT do not have any meaningful economic connection aside from small numbers of American-affiliated NGOs. Tariffs and other trade barriers imposed on DPRT have further distanced any trade relations between the two countries.
Type of Government
RT is a tightly held military dictatorship. Its government does not have multiple parties and no real opposition during elections. The military controls all aspects of the government.o rP
Branches of Government
Legislative Authority
As in other communist countries, the DPRT legislature, called the Torbian People’s Assembly (TPA), is little more than a rubber stamp for decisions made by the WPT. However, within the TPA, a smaller body called The Presidium fulfills several important government functions, functioning as both the foreign office and the supreme court.
The TPA consists of 721 members, one elected from each constituency. The TPA is only called sporadically, however, usually to rubber stamp a major change in government. Elections are held every five years for terms of the same length.
There is no meaningful opposition party in the DPRT, and the TPA has little to no influence on day-to-day governance. The Presidium, however, carries significant weight with diplomatic and legal matters, though these are tightly bound with the will of the WPT.
Executive Authority
The DPRT executive consists of the head-of-state (Soon) along with his cabinet, which consists of advisors and senior military commanders. Soon’s authority is processed through the cabinet; that body ultimately takes on most of the responsibility of governing the country. The DPRT is effectively a dictatorship and thus virtually all real authority lies with the executive branch supported by the military. The head of the WPT is the head-of-state, who, along with the cabinet, runs the nation autocratically. A prime minister is appointed as the head-of-government but has no meaningful authority.
Although executive elections ostensibly occur in the DPRT, they are only for show; the most recent election in 2014 showed Soon with 100% of the vote. Abstaining or attempting to vote against the WPT is considered treasonous. The DPRT provides no term limits for its executives; the cabinet is appointed to their positions at the will of Soon.
Cabinet Ministers are the functional element of the DPRT executive. Currently, there are 9 ministers, covering the military, the economy, diplomacy, and propaganda. These ministers are appointed by Soon and serve at his pleasure, though some, particularly senior military officers, are powerful party members in their own right and enjoy positions of relative power to Soon.
The DPRT executive essentially controls all other elements of government; their primary role is to support the legitimacy of the WPT.
Judicial Authority
The judiciary of the DPRT cannot be thought of as a typical judicial body: it exists almost entirely to support the WPT and the Soon regime. It is modeled on early communist court structure; practically all decision are made either to maintain order amongst the population or to reinforce the standing of Soon and the WPT. At lower levels courts are the way that the DPRT central government enforces decisions and employs its authority over broad regions; appointees to these courts are party officials rather than legal professionals.
The DPRT employs three levels of courts. The Central Court, consisting of a chief justice and two associate justices, is the high court of the land. Regional appeals courts govern large regions and generally concern themselves with translating the will of the Soon regime into meaningful day-to-day decisions governing the people. The lowest courts handle minor criminal cases while also serving as local points of political power. Different court systems handle the military and railroad/transportation workers.
All justices and judges are ultimately appointed by the TPA, though they are first chosen or otherwise approved by Soon or another WPT official. They are to serve 5 year terms, but loyal judges are usually de facto lifetime appointees. The DPRT judiciary has no meaningful independence. Judges serve at the leisure of Kim; if they do not follow his will they are removed.
Government Effectiveness and Legitimacy
The DPRT’s government is generally recognized as legitimate by the North Torbian population; very little dissent or resistance occurs to the best knowledge of western observers. The DPRT is, however, essentially a cult-of-personality: should that model break down or the ruling regime be otherwise undermined, the government would cease to be an effective entity almost immediately.
Very little information is available on the public opinions of the DPRT population; no valid public opinion polling has been done since the birth of the DPRT. Estimates range from “fanatically supportive of the Soon regime” to “desperately unhappy”. Defectors, along with the emerging DPRT information era, are helping to provide more insight into the DPRT population, but information is still sporadic at best.
The DPRT government’s stability essentially revolves around Soon. Since he effectively consolidated his power following the death of his father, it is assumed that the DPRT government is both stable and unlikely to change or evolve in the near-term. The primary threat to DPRT stability is external forces such as the US and Olvana, who the DPRT insists on provoking regularly.
Domestic Political Issues
The sole long term domestic objective of the DPRT and WPT is survival. In order to accomplish this, the WPT must remain in a position of absolute power. The WPTs short term political objectives are consolidation of power around Soon, specifically with the TPA and the regional bureaucracies. These are the chief fulcrums of power in the DPRT and without fully consolidating them Soon’s position will be vulnerable.
Elections
Elections in the DPRT have always been showpieces in support of the WPT. It is assumed that most North Torbians realize that their elections are rubber stamp affairs. However, interestingly, many defectors indicate that voting is a point of pride for many North Torbians. The international community recognizes the nature of North Torbian elections and does not recognize the nation as democratic. Elections for the TPA take place every 5 years, and for local assemblies every 4 years.
Rule of Law
Though the DPRT has a constitution and a formalized set of laws, the only meaningful authority in the country is the WPT. The WPT routinely modifies or ignores the law to suit its needs.
Corruption
Corruption is deeply rooted in North Torbian culture and government; the DPRT consistently ranks among the world’s most corrupt nations. The buying and selling of bureaucratic positions is one of the most common forms of corruption. Bureaucrats tend to be poorly paid and as a result rely heavily on corrupt monies to survive. This tendency goes up to the highest levels of government. For the military, it is difficult to separate what constitutes “corruption”, though it is thought that military ranks, especially general officer ranks, are commonly bought and sold, or given out as favors for party loyalty or other such actions. Government jobs are typically in positions to receive bribes and other forms of payment and are thus highly sought after. Bribery functions not only as means of avoiding punishment at the hands of the government, but also as a means of economic development: citizens are able to participate in low level free markets with the tacit approval of their local bureaucrats. There is little business in the western sense in the DPRT, however, state-owned industries are just as dependent on corruption as any other part of the government.
Human Rights and Freedoms
The DPRT is one of the world’s most significant violators of human rights. Secret prisons, torture, enslavement, travel restrictions, and any number of other gross such violations occur habitually, either by the government or with the consent of the government.
The DPRT does not recognize any universal freedoms. Freedom of worship, speech, press, and assembly do not exist, and are not protected in any way by the government. Citizens do not have freedom to move around the country or to change jobs without government approval. The family is the one area of society in which the DPRT does not exercise autocratic control. Though families are closely monitored and managed, generally speaking, families are allowed to develop their own living arrangements and have children as they wish.
International Relationships
Regional Actors
Olvana remains the primary ally of DPRT in the region. DPRT continues to be an isolated country, cut off from many of the economic and other benefits of regional progress. Its closed society and resistance to normalized relations with western countries limits its potential for regional partnerships. Olvana, being its only real connection to the wider world, plays a critical role in importing needed commodities and resources.
International Organizations
- ASEAN Regional Forum (ARF)
- Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO)
- G-77
- International Civil Aviation Organization (ICAO)
- International Red Cross and Red Crescent Movement (ICRM)
- International Fund for Agricultural Development (IFAD)
- International Federation of Red Cross and Red Crescent Societies (IFRCS)
- International Hydrographic Organization (IHO)
- International Maritime Organization (IMO)
- International Mobile Satellite Organization (IMSO)
- International Olympic Committee (IOC)
- Inter-Parliamentary Union (IPU)
- International Organization for Standardization (ISO)
- International Telecommunications Satellite Organization (ITSO)
- International Telecommunication Union (ITU)
- Non-Aligned Movement (NAM)
- United Nations (UN)
- United Nations Conference on Trade and Development (UNCTAD)
- United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO)
- United Nations Industrial Development Organization (UNIDO)
- UN World Tourism Organization (UNWTO)
- Universal Postal Union (UPU)
- World Federation of Trade Unions (WFTU)
- World Health Organization (WHO)
- World Intellectual Property Organization (WIPO)
- World Meteorological Organization (WMO)
International Economic Associations
- ASEAN Regional Forum (ARF)
- Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO)
- G-77
- United Nations Conference on Trade and Development (UNCTAD)
- United Nations Industrial Development Organization (UNIDO)
- World Federation of Trade Unions (WFTU)
Military Alliances
Olvana is the country with the closest influence on DPRT military. The close relationship between the government and the military, any alliance between the government is, essentially, a military alliance.
Influential Political Groups
Official Political Parties
There is no meaningful opposition party in the DPRT, and the Torbian People’s Army (TPA) has little to no influence on day-to-day governance. The Presidium, however, carries significant weight with diplomatic and legal matters, though these are tightly bound with the will of the WPT.
Other Domestic Influential Groups
There are really only two centers of social power in the DPRT: one is the family, the other is the Torbian Workers Party (WPT). The WPT recognizes the importance of the family in maintaining stability and generally seeks harmony with the family construct. Inside the home, families are a patriarchy, with wives expected to defer to husbands on most household matters. Outside of the family, the only meaningful holder of social power is the WPT: it establishes cultural norms, legal and illegal communications, jobs and education, and virtually everything else not directly related to the individual family.
Summary
Olvana's normalized relations with the west thirty-eight years ago resulted in a lessening of political and economic interactions with the DPRT. Decreasing Olvanian support contributed to a collapse of the DPRT economy, widespread famine, and political instability. The DPRT government reacted to these changed conditions by becoming more insular, restricting travel, cracking down on dissidents, and beginning a nuclear weapons and power program. The death of the founder of the country and the replacement by his son, Song Ji-Hoon, led to further consolidation of power. Early on, Ji-Hoon faced flooding, international sanctions, the collapse of communism, and enormous food shortages and famines throughout North Torbia. In spite of these domestic crises, Ji-Hoon expanded the DPRT’s nuclear and missile development while gradually increasing the role of the military in government. DPRT codified “Songun”, or “military first”, that made the Torbian People’s Army (TPA) the most powerful political body in the country.
Song Ji-Hoon died five years ago and was succeeded by his son, Song Chong-Su. After a brief period consolidating his power, Chong-Su continued the provocative programs and policies of his predecessors. He also reorganized the DPRT government, creating the “State Commission” as the top of the party and the government, with him at the head.
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