Political: Amari

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This page is a section of Amari.

Amari gained independence from a western European colonial power fifty years ago; a time when colonial powers were divesting themselves of their African colonies. The colonial power left the indigenous elites who took power in Amari, but left few governmental tools, except those of a colonial regime. As a result, these elites created a neo-colonial government that put the interests of the elite ahead of the interests of the larger population. This led to a repressive and authoritarian government throughout the first twenty-three years of Amari’s independence.

Twenty-seven years ago, Amari began instituting democratic reforms. The introduction and legalization of multi-party elections initially resulted in violence. Elections ten years ago erupted into widespread violence across the country, making international news and bringing international condemnation. A new constitution, approved seven years ago, sought to create a better balance of power, pulling some power away from the president and creating greater oversight authority in the legislature and the judiciary. The two post-constitution elections, six years and one year ago respectively, were significant improvements over past elections.  However, they still included limited violence and charges of corruption.

Amari continues to be a functioning and relatively stable democracy, receiving significant support from the US and other western countries. The government consists of an executive branch with a strong president, a bicameral legislature, and a judiciary with an associated hierarchy of courts. Amari is making significant progress in areas of good governance, but still struggles with institutional corruption. The new constitution has attempted to create a framework for better governance with good results. Ethnic and tribal tensions still influence multi-party politics, contributing to the history of electoral violence and distrust of the government. Other concerns include border security, instability spillover from neighboring countries, regional competition for resources, and terrorism.

Centers of Political Power

Amari’s new constitution, implemented seven years ago, created more accountability across the three branches of government. One of the major achievements of the constitution is the provision for public participation as an essential national value and principle of governance. Amari is still grappling with the implementation of those values. Political parties rarely exist past one general election; they tend to fragment immediately as their leaders move on to form new parties. Generally, political parties are not yet fully institutionalized; they are campaign vehicles for general elections. They lack an ideological orientation and are shaped largely by their founders and leaders.

The former constitution gave the president power to summon, terminate, and dissolve Parliament. Each session of Parliament was held at a place and time determined by the president. This provision undermined the autonomy of the legislature. The new constitution made sweeping changes to ensure the autonomy of Parliament. Despite being dominated by the executive for much of its post-colonial history, Parliament has effectively increased its autonomy and is making strides towards fulfilling its oversight role. 

The president exercises power as the head of the executive branch. Ethnic politics translates into multi-party politics, which in turn is exploited by elites who enjoy patronage privileges if their candidate wins the presidency. The president has wide discretion in handing out government positions in the cabinet ministries and other areas of the bureaucracy. These positions tend to be given out on an ethnic basis, or as a reward for support during a campaign. This patronage capacity gives the executive branch an outsized incentive for support, positioning the president as a center for political power.

Military Authority

The Amari constitution designates the president as the Commander-in-Chief of the Amari military and chairperson of the National Security Council. The President appoints a chief of the military general staff, who acts as the principal military adviser to the President and the National Security Council.

Family Authority

Families in Amari are culturally and economically important. Family bonds are particularly strong in rural areas, where the agricultural economy makes immediate and extended family members important to survival and well-being. In the rural areas, extended families live together: elderly members of the family have a place of authority and respect within the home and the community. Elderly members of the family are also a means of transferring values and cultural order to future generations.

The close proximity of rural families to each other has eroded to some degree in urban areas. Urban families do not always have the advantage of physical proximity with extended family members. Smaller available housing units and families separated from one another reduced the influence of older family members in urban areas.

Families are members of clans and tribes, which adds extended means of support and organizational structure. Tribal affiliation can be either patriarchal or matriarchal. Tribal membership is shaped through traditions, rites, and social standing within the larger tribal population. The standing of a particular family within a tribe is determined by wealth, size, historical events, and other cultural variables.

Religious/Clerical Authority

The majority of Amari’s citizens are Christians, with minority Muslim and traditional religion populations. Christian and Muslim clerics are influential within their specific spheres. Due to deep historical roots, Christianity’s influence permeates the culture of Amari and influences policy and other decisions within the government.

The Amari constitution allows for special Islamic courts, known as Kadhi Courts, where Sharia law can be used to determine certain civil questions. Kadhis are limited to Muslim regions and only adjudicate laws relating to personal status, marriage, divorce, or inheritance. This additional authority gives Muslim religious leaders added authority and influence within the Muslim population.

Other religions, such as traditional African religions, exercise localized influence over their particular communities.

Attitudes Toward the US

The United States established diplomatic relations with Amari following its independence five decades ago. The United States and Amari have enjoyed cordial relations and an enduring strategic partnership since that time. Relations between the two countries became closer after Amari made multiple political parties legal and introduced other democratic reforms and improvements in civil liberties twenty-seven years ago. In the wake of widespread violence following a disputed presidential election ten years ago, the United States supported the sweeping political and institutional constitutional reforms adopted by the coalition government. The United States viewed Amari’s successful constitutional referendum seven years ago as a monumental success. Though the two post-constitution elections have not been violence-free, they are viewed as relatively successful by the United States.

Corruption and insecurity are the two greatest impediments to Amari achieving sustained, and rapid economic growth. The United States urges the Amari government to take effective action against these issues. In addition, conflict and instability in neighboring Nyumba poses serious security and humanitarian challenges for Amari and the region. The United States provides equipment and training to Amarian security forces, both civilian and military, to help address this problem.

As an important developing country partner in east Africa, Amari is a significant recipient of U.S. foreign assistance. In accordance with Africa Emergent Support Initiative, the U.S. assistance policy is built around four strategic objectives: (1) strengthen democratic institutions; (2) spur economic growth, trade and investment; (3) advance peace and security; and (4) promote opportunity and development.

Overall, 70% of Amarians have favorable attitudes toward the U.S. When asked whether they think of the U.S. as a partner to their country, an enemy, or neither, clear majorities view the U.S. as a partner. People under age 30 are especially likely to have a positive view of America. Across the Amari population, citizens embraces key elements of American soft power and economic aid. American ways of doing business are viewed as worthy of emulation.

The popularity of America in Amari does not mean that there is not pushback on policies that are viewed as antithetical to Amari’s best interests. Amari’s leaders can no longer force their policies through rubber stamp legislatures: policymaking now involves a tense consensus building among civil society, the media, and elected representatives. Politicians face much more opposition from groups who see excessive American influence as a threat to the country’s independence. Protests, editorials, and other means of dissent has lessened American popularity in Amari.

Attitude Toward US Trade

Amari is eligible for preferential trade benefits under the Develop Africa Act. U.S. exports to Amari include agricultural products, aircraft, and machinery. U.S. imports from Amari include coffee and tea. U.S. business investment in Amari concentrates on commerce, light manufacturing, and the tourism industry. Amari is a member of The United States has signed trade and investment framework agreements with the East African Community and with the Common Market for Eastern and Southern Africa, organizations Amari belongs to.

Type of Government

The Amari government is a presidential republic with legislative, executive, and judicial branches. Each of the branches ensures the accountability of the other branches with constitutional checks and balances. A new constitution, approved seven years ago, authorized greater powers for the judiciary and implemented other legal reforms to improve governance.

Branches of Government

Legislative Authority

The legislature is a bicameral parliament consisting of the Senate (67 seats; 47 members directly elected in single-seat constituencies by simple majority vote and 20 directly elected by proportional representation vote - 16 women, 2 representing youth, and 2 representing the disabled; members serve 5-year terms with no term limits) and the National Assembly (349 seats; 290 members directly elected in single-seat constituencies by simple majority vote, 47 women in single-seat constituencies elected by simple majority vote, and 12 members nominated by the National Assembly - 6 representing youth and 6 representing the disabled; members serve 5-year terms with no term limits. According to the new constitution, the legislature advocates for the peoples’ interests

The specific responsibilities of the Senate are:

• debate and approve bills;
• create the national budget;
• represent the interests of the counties at the national level;

• confirm presidential nomination for members of the Electoral Transparency and Fairness Commission (ETFC)

The specific responsibilities of the National Assembly are:

• represent their constituents and all the special interests within their respective constituencies;

• create and pass legislation for the national government;
• approve or disapprove the budget presented by the Senate;
• check the conduct of the executive and other state officers and if necessary initiate the process of removal of the president and deputy president;
• exercise oversight over government offices;
• approve states of emergency and declarations of war.
• consider and determine the resolution of impeachment of the president or his/her deputy.

Political Party Representation in Parliament (no. of seats)

Political Party	Nat'l Assy	Pct.	Sen	Pct
Alliance Party of Amari (APU)	130	37.3	20	29.9
Federal Party of Amari (FPA)	75	21.5	10	14.9
Amari African National Coalition (AANC)	42	12.0	11	16.4
Reforms and Democracy Alliance (RDA)	30	8.6	8	11.9
National Coalition of Socialists (NCS)	20	5.7	3	4.5
Amari National Congress (ANC)	10	2.9	2	3.0
Other	2	0.6	2	3.0
Forum for the Restoration of Democracy-Amari (FRD-A)	16	4.6	5	7.5
Democratic Socialists Party of Amari (DSPA)	8	2.3	1	1.5
United Democratic Coalition (UDC)	6	1.7	1	1.5
Amari First Party (AFP)	5	1.4	2	3.0
Democratic Movement Party (DMP)	5	1.4	2	3.0

Executive Authority

Amari Executive Ministries - Organization Chart

The executive branch remains the most influential branch of the Amari government. Amari’s president serves as both head of state and head of government. The president is elected by the people for a five-year term, with a limit of two terms. To become president, a candidate must simultaneously run for president and for a seat in parliament, winning both elections. The president appoints a cabinet of ministers, each of whom heads an executive department of the government.

The president and deputy president are directly elected on the same ballot by a qualified majority of the popular vote. In addition to receiving an absolute majority popular vote, the presidential candidate must also win at least 25% of the votes cast in each of more than half of the 47 counties to avoid a runoff. The most recent election was last held this year.

Much of the daily running of the Amari government is conducted through cabinet ministers appointed by the president and approved by the National Assembly. The Constitution limits the number of ministries to a minimum of 14 and maximum of 22. The heads of each of the ministries are called Cabinet Secretaries. The President has power to assign and dismiss a Cabinet Secretary. A Cabinet Secretary cannot be a member of parliament. 

The current president is Chilemba Otieno and the deputy president is William Obonyo. They are members of the Alliance Party of Amari (APA). President Otieno was elected to second term last year.

Judicial Authority

Amari’s legal system blends common law, Sharia law, and customary law.

The Supreme Court consists of a chief justice, a deputy chief justice and 5 associate judges. Chief and deputy chief justices are nominated by the Judicial Service Commission (JSC) and appointed by the president, with approval of the National Assembly. Other judges are nominated by the JSC and appointed by the president. The chief justice serves a nonrenewable 10-year term or till age 70, whichever comes first. The other judges serve until age 70. Subordinate courts include the High Court, Court of Appeal, Courts Martial, Magistrates' Courts, and Kadhi Courts.

Judicial Service Commision (JSC)

The JSC is a judicial advisory board established under the Amari Constitution. It consists of eleven members. The functions of the JSC include:

• recommend individuals to the President for appointment as judges;
• review and recommend the conditions of service of judges and judicial officers, other than their remuneration and the staff of the Judiciary;
• receive complaints against, investigate improprieties, and make punitive recommendations for registrars, magistrates, other judicial officers, and other staff of the Judiciary in the manner prescribed by the Judiciary Act;
• prepare and implement programs for the continuing education and training of judges and judicial officers;

• advise the national government on improving the efficiency and administration of justice.

The Supreme Court

The new Constitution of Amari places the Supreme Court at the apex of the judicial hierarchy system. The court is comprised of a Chief Justice who functions as the President of the court, a Deputy Chief Justice, who is the deputy Vice President of the Court and five other judges appointed by the president on the advice of the Judicial Service Commission.

The Supreme Court has original, appellate and advisory jurisdiction.  According to the Constitution, the Supreme Court has exclusive original jurisdiction to hear and determine questions relating to the validity of presidential elections.  With the exception of the Court’s original jurisdiction, the Constitution leaves broad room for Parliament and the Court itself to make rules relating to the exercise of its jurisdiction. 

The Supreme Court may hear appeals from the Court of Appeal, or any other court or tribunal subject to conditions set out by the Constitution and subsequent legislation. The Court has wide discretion to determine the appeals it will hear.  Before admitting a case for hearing the Court will determine whether the appeal involves a matter of general public importance and whether a substantial miscarriage of justice may have occurred or may occur unless the appeal is heard. Appeals from courts other than the Court of Appeal will only be heard in exceptional circumstances that justify taking the proposed appeal directly to the Supreme Court.

The Supreme Court is designated to safeguard the Constitution of Amari.  It is the final interpreter and guardian of the Constitution. The Court is required to assert the supremacy of the Constitution and the will of Amarians.  The role of the court is to interpret the Constitution and statutes and to validate common law in a way that respects the balance between individual rights and the rights of society and public order.

Court of Appeal

This court consists of not less than twelve judges who elect a President of the Court of Appeal from among themselves.  The court is tasked with hearing appeals from the High Court and from any other court prescribed by law.

The High Court

The High Court has unlimited original jurisdiction in criminal and civil matters. The High Court does not have jurisdiction over matters reserved for the Supreme Court, nor in matters reserved for the Environment and Land or the Employment and Labor Court.

The High Court has jurisdiction over whether rights or fundamental freedoms have been denied, violated, infringed or threatened.  The High Court has jurisdiction to hear appeals on decisions from tribunals, appointed under the Constitution, to consider the removal of a person from office, except for cases involving the removal of the President for reason of incapacity. The High Court may also hear any question respecting the interpretation of the Constitution. Lastly, the High Court shall have any other jurisdiction, original or appellate, conferred on it by legislation.

Courts with status of the High Court: Employment & Labour matters

Parliament established specialized courts with the status of the High Court to hear and determine disputes relating to employment and labor relations. Disputes relating to employment are initially held at this court.

Courts with status of the High Court:  Environment & Land Court

Parliament established specialized courts with the status of the High Court to hear and determine disputes relating to the environment and the use and occupation of, and the title to, land. These types of disputes are initially held in this court.

Magistrates Courts

This is where majority of the judiciaries’ cases are heard. Magistrate courts are generally located in every judicial district in Amari. The presiding judicial officer in Magistrate court could be a Chief Magistrate, Senior Principal Magistrate, Senior Resident Magistrate, Resident Magistrate or Principle Magistrate. Their authorities vary in administrative responsibility from imposing fines to sentencing to prison. Parliamentary statutes detail the varying powers and jurisdiction of Magistrates and Judges.

Courts Martial

Courts Martial hears cases involving members of the Amari military. Appeals from this court are heard by the High Court.

Kadhi Courts

The Constitution requires Parliament to provide for no less than three Kadhi Courts with one designated as the Chief Kadhi. Additional Kadhis may be established according to need. The jurisdiction of the Kadhi Courts are limited to the determination of questions of Muslim law relating to personal status, marriage, divorce, or inheritance in proceedings in which all the parties profess the Muslim religion and submit to the jurisdiction of the Kadhi Courts. This court can only hear civil cases and is not authorized to decide criminal matters. Appeals from a Kadhi Court are heard by the High Court.

Local Courts and Tribunals

Local courts and tribunals are established to handle minor issues at the city or county level.

County Government

Each county has a directly elected governor who serves as the highest elected official in the county. Each county also has a County Assembly with Members of the County Assembly (MCA) as representatives. The powers of the County are specifically outlined in the Amari Constitution and the County Governments Act. Counties are individually allowed to impose property taxes, entertainment taxes, and any other tax  authorized by an Act of Parliament.

County Assemblies make laws necessary to ensure county governments perform their functions. They also exercise oversight authority over the county executive committee and other county executive offices.

Assembly members are elected by constituencies from within geographic areas known as wards. There may also be a number of appointed members in order to insure that neither male nor female members constitute more than two-thirds of the assembly. Six appointed members represent marginalized groups, such as persons with disabilities and the youth.

The County Assembly responsibilities include:

• implementation of county legislation;
• implementation of national legislation within the county if the legislation so requires;
• management and coordination of the functions of the county administration and its departments;
• performance of any other functions conferred on it by the Constitution or national legislation.

A county executive committee can also prepare proposed legislation for consideration by the county assembly. The committee is required to provide the Assembly with full and regular reports on matters relating to the county.

There are varying degrees of tension between larger cities and the county governments. Some cities operate with more autonomy than others, depending on the relative political power of the leaders. The relationship between larger cities and the county government is still evolving. Further legislation will need to be crafted in the Parliament to define this relationship with greater fidelity. 

Government Effectiveness and Legitimacy

Ethnic conflicts in Amari occur periodically. Frequency and severity of such conflicts increased after the introduction of multi-party politics twenty-seven years ago. Conflict reached an apex ten years ago, when significant election violence led to the democratic reform embodied in the new Amari constitution. Though the two post-constitution elections saw reduced violence and improved transparency, elections remain tense times, particularly when political leaders deliberately stir up conflict in order to capture votes. Political patronage focused on tribal and ethnic affiliation is also a factor in conflicts. More serious conflicts led to the exodus of ethnic minority communities from their traditional geographic areas.

Ancestral land is an important element of identity politics in Amari. Access to water and agricultural and pasture lands, historically allocated in different ways, creates friction points. Communities continue to express dissatisfaction with the way the government manages allocations and certifications of land, particularly when communities are not adequately informed and a part of the process.

Police corruption and involvement in criminal activity is a significant problem in Amari. Government statistics released last year indicated alarming criminality among police, showing police officer involvement in over 20 percent of the reported crimes. There has also been a rise in the use of lethal force by the police. A recent study found that in the first eight months of last year, police officers killed a total of 45 civilians, a 7 percent increase over the same period in the previous year. Police brutality was on display two months ago, when opposition demonstrators organized protests aimed at overhauling the electoral commission. Police killed at least five demonstrators and injured many others with beatings, tear gas, and gunfire.

The government generally respects the constitutional guarantee of freedom of religion. Counterterrorism operations against militant Islamic groups, however, have left the peaceful Muslim populations exposed to state violence and intimidation. As an example, in last July, a human rights organization reported that it had documented at least 25 enforced disappearances and 11 extrajudicial killings in the previous two years. All of these involved people taken into custody during counterterrorism operations. Muslim leaders have complained and demonstrated against the government to protest the treatment by security forces at all levels.

Amari has an active nongovernmental organization (NGO) sector. However, civil society groups have faced growing obstacles in recent years, including repeated government attempts to deregister hundreds of NGOs for alleged financial violations, searches of NGO offices, and other forms of harassment. The moves, in part, seem to be attempts to silence criticism of the government’s human rights record.

Refugees are a problem along the borders with Kujenga and Nyumba. Corruption and poor governance along the border contributes to increased numbers of refugees flowing into the better economically positioned Amari. Refugees create a burden on Amari’s finances, provide potential cover for terrorists, and are perceived by Amarians as threats to their jobs. Protests occur regularly along the border and in the larger population centers where refugees congregate.

Domestic Political Issues

Elections

Elections in Amari have a history of violence. Dating to the elections of a decade ago, however, significant improvements have been made in the administration and conduct of elections. The latest constitution made an attempt to correct some of the factors contributing to electoral misconduct. The constitution, for example, strengthened the role of the judiciary in electoral fraud cases. Despite this, each election inevitably includes opposition protests and claims of voter fraud.

The new Amari constitution established the Independent Electoral Transparency and Fairness Commission (ETFC) as an independent electoral regulatory agency. The Commission is responsible for conducting and supervising referenda and elections to any elective body or office established by the Constitution or subsequent acts of Parliament. It operates under the authorization of the Independent Electoral Transparency and Fairness Commission Act. The Commission is made up of nine commissioners, appointed by the President of Amari and confirmed by Senate. Each member serves a six-year term. By law, no commissioner can be a member of a political party. At least four votes are required for any official Commission action.

Its mandate includes:

• continuous registration of voters and revision of the voter’s roll;
• political party registration and oversight;
• settlement of electoral disputes;
• registration of candidates for elections;
• voter education;
• monitoring and evaluation of elections;
• regulation of money spent by a candidate or party in respect of any election;
• development of a code of conduct for candidates and parties;
• monitoring compliance with legislation on nomination of candidates by parties.

Amari’s elections are not without concerns. Elections are sometimes stolen at the points where voting tallies are consolidated, rather than at the ballot box. This process is hard for foreign observers to witness and usually takes place days after the polling itself. Too often, foreign observers leave as soon as the polling is over and preliminary results have been announced. Increased citizen activism and the wide-spread use of social media created more transparency and accountability in local polling stations, leading to more sophisticated attempts to alter election results. Social and other media have also introduced “fake news” as a factor in elections. Fake news being used to influence the public’s view of volatile issues is on the rise.

Rule of Law

Amari has made incremental progress towards institutionalizing the rule of law within the legal and societal construct. The Amari Constitution, passed seven years ago, gave more authority to the Supreme Court and lower courts to prosecute criminal activity. Parliament also passed laws strengthening the rule of law. Anti-corruption legislation resulted in the Anti-Corruption Act which, among other things, created the Anti-Corruption and Transparency Commission (ACTC) and the Electoral Transparency and Fairness Commission (ETFC). These two commissions provide the means to investigate complaints of corruption in the public and private sectors.

The latest Amari Constitution requires decentralizing the federal government. Delegating more authority to local governments from the federal government is a conscious and ongoing process that continues to this day. This has given local county and city governments more freedom to address local crimes through legislative actions, policing, and prosecuting policies. The reforms were well-received by Amari citizens and civil society activists.

The Amari government is by no means perfect.  It has work to do in the areas of protecting minority rights, fighting corruption at all levels, gang violence, police overreach, equitable prosecution of crimes, and fair and violence-free elections. These critical problems affect the Amari people at all socioeconomic levels, and drive the protests and unrest that flare up periodically. Elections are particularly tense times.

Corruption

Organized crime continues to threaten legitimate business activity in Amari. Political corruption and ethnic favoritism also affect the business sector and exacerbate existing imbalances in wealth and access to economic opportunities, including public-sector jobs. It is estimated the average urban Amari pays 10 bribes per month. Most of these bribes are fairly small, but large ones are also taken: bribes worth over $700 account for 40% of the total. There is also corruption on a larger scale, with each of the last two regimes being criticized for their involvement in illegal or unethical activities.

Despite market reforms, several business surveys reveal that business corruption is still widespread and that companies frequently encounter demands for bribes and informal payments to 'get things done' in Amari. The public procurement sector in Amari suffers widespread corruption. The use of agents to facilitate business operations and transactions in Amari is significant and poses a risk for companies, particularly at the market entry and business start-up stage.

Despite positive developments, the Amari Anti-Corruption Commission (AACC) was disbanded six years ago and replaced by the newly created Anti-Corruption and Transparency Commission (ACTC). Critics describe the new agency as superficial.

International Relationships

Regional Actors

Ziwa

Amari maintains good diplomatic relations with Ziwa. The Amari government supports the ruling government and uses soft media to influence the elections in Ziwa in favor of the current government. Amari’s biggest concern is with spillover effects from electoral violence in Ziwa. Amari and Ziwa maintain embassies in the other’s country. Ziwa also participates with Amari in efforts to increase regional security and stability through regional organizations and agreements.

Kujenga

Relations between Amari and Kujenga are contentious. Kujengan refugees entering Amari is a point of friction. Fears of terrorist infiltration within the refugee population is a source of concerns for Amari security organizations. Diplomacy is focused on supporting local governance along the border where it is weakest due to corruption, warlords, and weak border enforcement of smuggling and other laws. Amari and Kujenga maintain embassies in the other’s country and participate in joint efforts to increase regional security and stability.

Nyumba

Nyumba is a fragile state with tense diplomatic relations with Amari. The primary concern for Amari is Nyumba’s lack of any concern in controlling its side of their common border. Smuggling and other kinds of illegal cross-border activity are an important part of the Nyumba economy. Nyumba is suspicious of Amari’s close ties with the US and other western countries and resists any pressure to improve the rule of law within its country. Nyumba and Amari maintain diplomatic offices in the capital cities of the other.

International Organizations

Organization	AMA	KUJ	NYU	ZIWA
African, Caribbean, and Pacific Group of States (ACP)	x	x	x	x
African Development Bank Group (AfDB)	x	x	x	x
African Union (AU)	x	x	x	x
Election Assistance Commission (EAC)	x	x
East Africa Development Bank (EADB)	x	x
United Nations Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO)	x	x	x	x
G-77	x	x	x	x
International Bank for Reconstruction and Development (IBRD)	x	x	x	x
International Civil Aviation Organization (ICAO)	x	x	x	x
International Criminal Court (ICCt)	x	x		x
International Development Association (IDA)	x	x	x	x
International Fund for Agricultural Development (IFAD)	x	x	x	x
International Finance Corporation (IFC)	x	x	x	x
International Federation of Red Cross and Red Crescent Societies (IFRCS)	x	x	x	x
Intergovernmental Authority on Development (IGAD)	x		x
International Labour Organization (ILO)	x	x	x	x
International Monetary Fund (IMF)	x	x	x	x
International Maritime Organization (IMO)	x	x	x	x
International Mobile Satellite Organization (IMSO)	x	x		x
Interpol	x	x	x	x
International Parliamentary Union (IPU)	x	x	x	x
International Organization for Standardization (ISO)	x	x	x	x
International Telecommunications Satellite Organization (ITSO)	x	x	x	x
International Telecommunication Union (ITU)	x	x	x	x
International Trade Union Confederation (ITUC)	x	x		x
Multilateral Investment Guarantee Agency (MIGA)	x	x	x	x
The Non-Aligned Movement (NAM)	x	x	x	x
Organization for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons (OPCW)	x	x	x	x
United Nations (UN)	x	x	x	x
United Nations Conference on Trade and Development (UNCTAD)	x	x	x	x
United Nations Educational, Scientific, and Cultural Organization (UNESCO)	x	x	x	x
United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR)	x	x	x	x
United Nations Industrial Development Organization (UNIDO)	x	x	x	x
United Nations World Tourism Organization (UNWTO)	x	x	x	x
Universal Postal Union (UPU)	x	x	x	x
World Health Organization (WHO)	x	x	x	x
World Meteorological Organization (WMO)	x	x	x	x
World Trade Organization (WTO)	x	x	x	x
European Development Fund (EDF)	x
Common Market for Eastern and Southern Africa (COMESA)	x		x
East African Community	x	x	x	x

Military Alliances

Over the last decade, the Amari National Defense Force (ANDF) became increasingly involved in peacekeeping efforts in the region, often as part of a wider regional security force.   Amari is also a regular contributor to international peacekeeping forces. Amari has intelligence sharing agreements with Ziwa in combating criminal activities and countering extremists along their shared border and on Lake Victoria. Amari continues to partner with Kujenga in fighting piracy and smuggling.

Influential Political Groups

The Alliance Party of Amari is the ruling political party of the current government. Political parties are poorly organized, poorly resourced and lack distinct ideological grounding. The overriding (if not sole) purpose of these parties is to maximize votes, win elections, and govern. Amari political parties are fluid. In efforts to expand their appeal to a wider variety of groups, party policy orientations are eclectic and shift with the public mood. Most of them do not have proper party structures, and a majority lack offices outside the major urban centers. One of the biggest threats to the institutionalization of political parties in Amari is the lack of a disciplined party membership.

Many Amari political parties are oligarchic in nature. Party elections are rarely held. For the few that are held, they are mostly coronations for the party leader and his or her lieutenants. In others, elections have been hampered by mismanagement, confusion, incivility, widespread allegations of vote rigging and even violence. In addition, party structures and lines of command often appear to be unclear, inefficient, or haphazard.

Official Political Parties

Political parties are somewhat fluid and are focused on elections. Parties are at their strongest during short periods before, during, and after elections. The time between elections is less organized and lacks strategic planning. See Legislative Authority for political party makeup of Parliament.

Other Domestic Influential Groups

• African Center for a Free Amari (ACFA)
• Federation of Amari Churches (FAC)
• Association of Imams of Amari (AIA)
• Amari Human Rights Commission (AHRC)
• Amari Alliance of Private Sector Businesses (AAPSB)
• Amari Peace, Truth, and Justice Alliance (APTJA) (umbrella group of more than 30 NGOs)
• Muslim Association for Human Rights (MAHR)
• Council of Protestant Churches of Amari (CPCA)
• Amari Chamber of Commerce (ACC)
• Association of Amari Tea Growers (AATG)

Summary

Amari is the product of its colonial past and its more recent evolution toward decentralized democracy. The new constitution, implemented seven years ago, has institutionalized better governance and created a more democratic society. Democratic reforms and greater transparency are reducing electoral violence and building confidence in Amari’s election process. Amari is challenged by public and private sector corruption, weak border enforcement, refugees, terrorism, fragile political parties, and internal ethnic tensions. The pressures of the moment often lead to short-sighted policies and overreach, particularly in counterterrorism operations focused on minorities and refugees. The government also attempts at times to stifle dissent, which has been met with increased protest from Amari civil society and international organizations.