Europe
The purpose of the Decisive Action Training Environment (DATE)-Europe is to provide the US Army training community with a detailed description of the conditions of six composite operational environments (OEs) in the European region. It presents trainers with a tool to assist in the construction of scenarios for specific training events but does not provide a complete scenario. DATE-Europe offers discussions of OE conditions through the political, military, economic, social, information, infrastructure, physical environment, and time (PMESII-PT) variables. This DATE applies to all US Army units (Active Army, Army National Guard, and Army Reserve) and partner nations that participate in DATE-compliant Army or joint training exercises.
Over NUMBER square miles comprise DATE-Europe, a varied and complex region which ranges from (AREA COVERED). The region includes the fictional countries of Arnland, Bothnia, Framland, Lindsey, Otso, and Torrike. The region has a long history of instability and conflict; ethnic and religious factionalism; and general political, military, and civilian unrest. In addition to these internal regional divisions, outside actors have increasing strategic interests in the region. DATE-Europe thus represents a flashpoint where highly localized conflict can spill over into widespread unrest or general war.
(See also Using the DATE and TC 7-101 Exercise Design).
Key Points
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Discussion of the OEs within the DATE-Europe Operational Environment
Arnland
The Skolkan Empire coalesced slowly during the late 14th and early 15th Centuries, expanding and contracting as circumstances permitted. In its heyday in the mid‐19th Century, it comprised all of what are now the countries of Arnland, Framland, Bothnia and Otso and had over lordship of Norway. Periodically, the Skolkan Empire attempted to extend its power into Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania, but its influence was always tenuous and despite the expenditure of considerable effort and resources, never amounted to much.
Towards the end of the 19th Century it became more and more obvious that the cohesion amongst the Skolkan nations was rapidly degrading. Arnland felt that their contribution to the Skolkan Empire far exceeded the return. Consequently Arnish leaders raised their voices strongly for independence. These arguments were reinforced as Framland declared independence, and finally Arnland followed on 11 December 1917.
In the first years of independence Arnland kept the political structure inherited from Torrike. Alexander the First (Optimistic Alexander) was elected as the first king of Arnland. Arnland had a fairly strong economy based on agriculture, forestry and fisheries. Arnland was at that time self‐sufficient, and had good relations with Germany, Poland, Denmark and the Baltic countries. Fish and agricultural products that in former times were consumed in the Skolkan Empire (mainly Torrike) became important export articles, and Arnland’s main source of income. Alexander ruled for 13 years until the monarchy was abolished in 1931 after a communist state coup.
The global economic crisis in the 1930s had a dramatic effect on Arnland. The economy collapsed, and people lost confidence in the government. Arnland had also neglected the technological development that took place in the rest of Europe which also contributed to economic decay as Arnland no longer was able to compete on the European market.
During WWII, Arnland maintained her neutrality. After the war, Communist Party leader Lars Peterson, through a combination of ruthlessness, effective control of the State Security Services and strategic alliances, managed to preserve Arnland's territorial integrity. Arnland adhered to a strict communist philosophy. During this period, the governing elite enriched themselves at the cost of ordinary people. This resulted in increased poverty in the country as a whole. Anger and mistrust in the government ultimately led to the assassination of Lars Peterson 1 May 1991 and the subsequent violent fall of communism in Arnland in that same year.
Arnland reorganized itself into a multiparty democracy in 1992. Arns were extremely wary of creating a government structure that centralized power. Their fear of returning to a system where regional interests were ignored at the expense of the political elite caused them to create a Republic which balanced power across national and regional lines. Further, it placed the judicial power with the Presidency, the executive power with the Prime Minister and the Government and the legislative power with the Alltinget.
Arnland sought closer ties with the rest of Europe in order to improve economic conditions. It instituted a government structure that would facilitate Arnland's need for foreign investment in the nation's financial future. Arnland‘s efforts to overcome its historical isolation and underdevelopment saw it make initial strides in the areas of public infrastructure and public services as Arnland's fragile democratic structures were developing. During this transitional period from 1992‐1996, the center‐right Arnland Prosperity Party (APP) formed the government.
However, without the experienced structures and processes in place to provide proper oversight of these efforts, both legitimate and illegitimate business entities at the Län level exploited these opportunities and a system of corruption and organized crime took root. Government agencies did not have enough depth or span of control to oversee government spending and national government efficiency and effectiveness was perceived by the population to be non‐existent.
Unscrupulous investment companies, fronts for organized crime and defrauded investors all over Arnland used pyramid schemes in the early days of capitalism. In early 1996, during the run‐up to the elections, several of these pyramid schemes collapsed, leaving thousands of people bankrupt, disillusioned, and angry. Armed revolts broke out across the country, leading to the near‐total collapse of government authority. Arnland's already inadequate and antiquated infrastructure suffered tremendous damage, as people looted public works for building materials. Weapons depots all over the country were raided.
Torrike and Bothnia, vying for the role of conciliator in Arnland’s internal struggles, both made unsuccessful attempts to calm the situation (in an effort to increase their influence in the region). However, the Arns had no desire to cede any of their independence. Organized Crime (OC) had infiltrated the political system on all levels and influenced political decision-making to their own advantage. Through a mixture of brute force, political status, and social leadership, the OC gangs imposed themselves as middlemen between the local community and bureaucrats and politicians at the national level. They granted privileges and protection and intervened in favor of their clients in return for their silence and collusion against local authorities and the police. With their political connections, the heads of the OC groups became power brokers in local and national political contexts, providing politicians with broad electoral support and in return receiving benefits for their constituency. Worryingly there was a general belief that someone can do a good job as a politician but have a disreputable private life. Also the system of ‘exchanges’ in which public officials provide support in return for certain privileges was intricately woven, and accepted, in the social system. At a lower level OC syndicates exploit local business enterprises (food processing and trade, gas stations, retailers, property market) to influence the daily life of Arns. Through this they can easily influence the political processes and voting results, by “suggesting people” for whom they need to vote.
Arns blamed the inability of the APP to start and successfully enforce the required political and economic reforms during the transition period and that manifested itself in a 1996 election victory for the Arnland Socialist Party (ASP); gaining control of the office of the Prime Minister (Kasper Bro), the Council of Ministers and the Alltinget. They were not successful in unseating the President, Sture Pallesson. The leader of the APP succeeded in gaining the Electoral College votes from the six Län and remained as the Head of State for a second term.
With change slow to take hold, people were forced to explore other possibilities to maintain the standard of life that they had been used to in the past. Corruption and illegal sources of income increasingly became an important part of the economy and Arns continued to see this as the easiest way to succeed. As the national economy decayed, Arnland’s six Län, each under the rule of a Landshövding (Governor) developed into semi‐autonomous regions that primarily took care of their own interests. The Län also competed with each other on a variety of social and economic and cultural issues as Arnland’s new democracy slowly took root.
The continued presence of poor national administration, and flaws in the electoral process as a result of manipulation by business and OC interests continued to block public confidence in the national government system. Progress on economic and political reforms suffered noticeably due to political infighting and a government structure that was not suited to allow change. Arns’ apathy with the political system and their distrust of the electoral process caused them to pay little attention to the election in 2000. With Sture Pallesson unavailable for re‐election and thus unmotivated to empower a successor his party, the APP focused on regaining control of the office of the Prime Minister’s and the legislature. While successful in doing so, forming a coalition government with the Arnland Republican Party (ARP), it lost control of the Presidency to the ASP (Kasper Bro). Arns once again ensured political stalemate by distributing the balance of power and this held true for the elections in 2004 as well.
In 2008, the ASP Prime Minister, Bror Jeppessen, formed a minority government, passing government legislation based upon support from other parties on an issue by issue basis. This created a delicate balance of power in the Alltinget. The ASP pledged to fight crime and corruption, decrease the size and scope of government, and promote economic growth by exploring membership of the EU. The Arnland Prosperity Party regained control of the Presidency with Sture Pallesson returning to his previously held position. Corruption, regional influence and manipulation of the political and legal systems remained firmly rooted in the daily lives of Arns. The lack of a cohesive will, and the adherence to party and individual interests caused the executive and legislative branches of the government to struggle to bring about real reform in its efforts to demonstrate to the EU and other international organizations that it was ready to be taken seriously.
At the 2012 election the ASP, with a reduced percentage of the vote and decreased number of seats again formed a government but this time on a more formal coalition footing (with the Social Democratic Party and Arnland Communist Party) to gain an overall majority of one in the Alltinget. Corruption continues to permeate the Government who have failed to deliver on its previous terms pledges of fighting crime and corruption, reducing central government control or improving services on a national scale. Linked to this were allegations of possible vote rigging but as yet nothing has been proved. On the positive side the Government continued to explore its aspiration of EU membership following initial negotiations in 2010, though was unable to enter into a Stabilization and Association Agreement. This is an issue which is causing a significant rift between Prime Minister Bror Jeppessen and President Sture Pallesson who also secured a second and final term in 2012. All of this coupled with the increasingly powerful role of key Landshövding (Skåne, Jönköping and Kalmar) and the 2014 announcement of withdrawal from the SCO is further weakening central government and fueling growing social unrest over Arnland’s perceived increasing regional isolation.
Bothnia
Originally, the easternmost territory of the Skolkan Empire, by the early 18th Century the region that now comprises the countries of Bothnia and Otso had acquired a considerable degree of autonomy. Increasingly autonomous as the century wore on, the local aristocracy gained considerable wealth from the sale of timber for spars and masts to the navies of the warring factions during the Napoleonic wars. Although the Empire was allied with Russia during the wars, the eastern region was essentially on the sidelines as being too geographically isolated from the main areas of conflict. The Dukes of Northern Bothnia, South Bothnia and Otso used the Empire’s distraction with the wars to gain further autonomy from the Skolkan capital in Tyr, sometimes in collaboration with each other and sometimes in competition. As the Empire gradually became moribund, the Dukes became more and more independent. During this period, the Court of Bothnia maintained a close relationship with the Russian Court and their small but loyal contribution during the Napoleonic years was not to be forgotten. By the time of WWI, the region was to all intents and purposes an independent state drawing little attention from either Skolkan rulers, or their Russian neighbors to the east.
Throughout the 19th Century, the region prospered, largely through exports of timber and fur. Partly as a result of this and partly as a result of its comparative geographic position, there was nothing like the scale of industrialization in Skolkan that the rest of northern Europe experienced during this period. By the outbreak of the WWI, Otso and North Bothnia were essentially backwaters, while the southern part of Bothnia expanded considerably along the coastline and the Duke’s seat, Brahea, reached its zenith by 1880 as a cultured and rich city although shaded regionally by St Petersburg. By 1914, the Duchy of South Bothnia was a relatively rich entity. During the war, the Skolkan Empire was nominally neutral, but there were a variety of factions throughout the region that favored either Donovia or the Central Powers. Both of the Bothnian Duchies and the Duchy of Otso provided volunteer regiments to the Donovian army as well as other assistance to the Donovian war effort. The collapse of Donovia into chaos in 1917 triggered the final collapse of the Empire. Royalists, republicans, separatists, communists and proto-fascists fought a confused civil war. The close relationship with Donovia produced a divided country as factions fought for separate political Ideologies. Finally, faced with an uncertain neighbor, the eastern duchies combined to form a single state as the Republic of Otsobothnia, whose legitimacy was recognized as part of the overall post WWI settlement in Europe. However, although this made geographic sense, it was not a natural entity as the Duchies had a sense of “self” that was distinct and to a degree antagonistic.
External relations with Torrike and Framland were acceptable, not least because the main focus of those countries was internal, or in the case of Torrike, concentrated on the more pressing problem of an independent but weak Arnland on its southern border. Internally, considerable tension remained. South Bothnia was a hive of communist activity and sympathizers and the Duke and his family were forced to abandon their holdings. North Bothnia was quieter, but still suffered some degree of disruption; the death of the last hereditary Duke may have relieved tension somewhat. Within the confines of his territory, the Duke of Otso remained influential and carefully steered a more democratic approach to politics. The fault lines along which Otsobothnia would ultimately split were actually apparent from the very foundation of the country. After a great deal of violent confrontation, Otsobothnia eventually settled down as a marginally democratic state, albeit one in which there were significant political tensions. The communist party remained a force in the south and west, while the east remained more traditional in its outlook.
Donovia recognized Otsobothnia as an independent state and acknowledged their mutual borders. However, despite several treaties and non‐aggression agreements, tensions arose during the 1930s. Donovian acceptance of Otsobothnia declined with the distance from the evolution. The revolution the Donovians anticipated in Otsobothnia never took place; communistic parties and their sympathizers were not successful electorally and active agitators were suppressed. Additionally, Donovia grew increasingly concerned about the vulnerability of Leningrad and sought to improve its defenses by pushing back the borders. Donovia offered Otsobothnia a land swap to increase Otsobothnia’s territory in the North, while conceding land in the area of Leningrad. This would have increased the actual size of Otsobothnia while pushing its border in the Karelian Isthmus back to within 30km of Viipuri. This offer was discussed several times, but rejected on each occasion.
In August 1939, Donovia signed a non‐aggression treaty with Nazi Germany, the so called Molotov‐Ribbentrop pact. A hidden codicil to this pact delineated “spheres of influence” between the Donovia and Germany. Under this agreement, the Baltic states and the eastern half of Otsobothnia fell under the Donovia. After the successful division of Poland, Donovia turned its attention once more to Otsobothnia. The new territorial demands were even less attractive than before, with additional concessions being required from Otsobothnia. These would, in effect, have denuded the country of its defensive fortifications against Donovia. When these demands were rejected, the Donovians invaded. Although they were ultimately victorious, the war showed up serious shortcomings in the Donovian army which suffered heavy losses. The final settlement pushed Donovian borders well to the west of Viipuri.
When Hitler invaded in 1941, Otsobothnia seized the opportunity to reclaim its lost territory. Otsobothnian aims were limited to regaining lost ground and they refused to be drawn beyond these bounds, despite German pressure. Otsobothnia, for instance, did not participate in the siege of Leningrad and refused to cut the Murmansk railway. The Donovian offensive of 1944 drove the Otsobothnian forces back to their start point and an Armistice was signed in 1944. The final settlement of the conflict and formal cessation was war was ratified under the Paris Peace Treaty of 1947. Under this settlement, Otsobothnia lost the Karelian regions and had to pay a huge war indemnity of approximately 50% of the country’s GDP. The final border with Donovia was well to the north and west of Viipuri. Negotiations after the cease‐fire exacerbated existing tensions between the Otsonians and the western provinces. The strong sense of self helped crystallize the belief that the “westerners” took all the wealth of the country while the east made all the sacrifices.
The loss of Viipuri and associated territory deprived the east of one of its few industrial centers and further increased the east’s sense of grievance. Encouraged by the Donovians, Otso declared itself to be independent as the Royal Duchy of Otso, which they declared would be a neutral state along the lines of Switzerland. This proposal actually suited the western provinces, which accepting that it would not be possible to regain territory lost to Donovia, assessed that the eastern provinces would be a drain on their resources. Additionally, a buffer between Donovia and their provinces would give them more room for maneuver in rebuilding their state. As a result, the creation of Bothnia and Otso as independent states became part of the overall settlement of WWII.
Framland
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Lindsey
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Otso
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Torrike
Torrike represents the heartland and remnant core of a once considerably larger and more powerful political entity, the Skolkan Empire. In the first decades of the 20th century, the Empire slowly disintegrated as elements declared independence. This process was exacerbated by the First World War. Although neutral, the Empire did not escape the effects of the conflict and from 1917 was embroiled in a civil war. The independent countries of Arnland in the south and OtsoBothnia in the east were recognised and the Empire was formally declared dissolved in 1920. The remaining territory renamed itself Torrike, with the last Emperor Anders Munch, declared as King. However, Torrike would be a constitutional monarchy and his powers as Head of State were diminished to a purely ceremonial role, while the First Minister amassed political power as Head of the Government. The Riksted, or Parliament, moved from being a largely ceremonial establishment filled with appointees, to one which was fully elected and so provided the state with democratic respectability.
Throughout the 1920s, Torrike struggled to come to terms with its diminished size and importance. In seeking a role in the modern world, the political establishment increasingly felt that a monarchy was anachronistic. The advent of the Great Depression and death of King Anders allowed the country to re‐establish itself as a republic, with the extension of the vote to all adult males. Torrike suffered greatly during the Depression years and there were a number of left wing factional attempts to establish a workers’ democracy, which were put down. Although the major political parties (the Unity Party; the Prosperity Party; the Neutrality Party and the Nationalist Party), were right wing and essentially authoritarian, the nascent Fascist Party was ruthlessly suppressed.
Torrike recovered slowly during the 1930s, with stimulus being provided through industrialization and the desire to make the country self‐sufficient in strategic industries. The recovery was helped by increasing demands for Torrikan raw materials; especially iron ore, bauxite and wolframite which were heavily purchased across Europe as the continent rearmed in the run up to WWII. In 1936, women were given the vote. Politically, changes of government produced few changes in policy and the country maintained the character of a centre‐right, reasonably moderate, albeit slightly authoritarian, nation. Throughout WW2, Torrike was neutral and formed a Neutrality Pact with Arnland and Framland aimed at keeping the region out of the war. The neutrality was, however, biased towards Germany whose troops were given the right of passage through their territories to Norway after 1940. For most of the war, Torrike enjoyed the benefits of large exports of strategic materials to Germany, but diplomatic channels to the Allies were kept open. As it became increasingly clear that Germany would lose, so the interpretation of neutrality became more favorable to the Allies. Relations with Donovia were more complex. Although Torrike maintained its neutrality in the war between OtsoBothnia and Donovia, there was considerable sympathy for their former countrymen and volunteers and material assistance was sent to OtsoBothnia. Further assistance was provided to OtsoBothnia when it joined the German campaign against Donovia, but a greater distance was maintained from the conflict.
Post WWII, Torrike sought to build on the Neutrality Pact with their neighbors, but both countries resisted Torrikan efforts to influence them. Throughout the 1950s, the moderate Prosperity Party was in power and built the foundations of Torrike’s modern industrial success. By the 1960s the failure to promote new talent within the Party and complacency led to increasing disillusion with the Party and its politics. A Unity/Nationalist Coalition was elected in 1967 on the promise of “Renewal” and rebuilding pride in the country and its heritage. The first signs of the Greater Skolkan philosophy started to be discussed in the public arena. The coalition went from strength to strength throughout the late 60s and 70s, while a new breed of nationalists were building a myth based on the glories of the Skolkan Empire and the need to rebuild it. In the 1980s, new young, ambitious, and ruthless leaders emerged in the parties, and in 1989, the old guard were pushed aside. The new leaders pushed Torrike further to the right politically, aiming to build up the military so that the country could “hold its head high in the world” and to establish Torrike’s “rightful place in the region”. Opponents of the regime were increasingly side‐lined and dissenting voices suppressed.
The collapse of Donovia came at an ideal time for the new generation of leaders. The West was distracted and Donovia’s attention was directed inwards. After some maneuvering, Lars Peersson emerged as preeminent among the new generation. Appointed President in 1992, he has driven Torrikan policy and actions since that date towards a very specific view of the region. The basic tenet of his policy was to establish and build Torrike as the regional power through building an economy that would make the country the regional leader. This ambition has been the foundation for all of Torrike’s actions throughout the last 20 years. A number of highly successful world class businesses have been built, many of which, electronics, software, heavy vehicles, etc. have dual military/civilian applications in addition to a large and efficient arms industry. As the country has become more prosperous, so it has invested in the natural resources of countries outside the region. Having missed out on the oil boom for geographic reasons, Torrike has sought to gain access to other potential areas of interest and is deeply interested in gaining access to the Arctic. When Norway declared independence in 1905, the Empire had initially tried to retain northern Norway as this gave it an opening to the Norwegian Sea and an ice free outlet to the wider world. Skolkan was unable to sustain this claim, but it has not been forgotten. The idea was resurrected in the mid‐90s, with an offer to buy, or lease, a slice of Northern Norway. The bid was rebuffed, but Torrike still maintains the ambition. Although bountifully supplied with hydroelectricity, Torrike has a nuclear plant in Forsmark and owns the Ringhals plant in Arnland to ensure the energy security of the country. There are rumors of a secret military nuclear program, but these have never been verified.
Strategic Positioning
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Regional Views of the US
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Regional PMESII-PT Overview
Political
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Military
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Economic
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Social
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Information
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Infrastructure
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Physical Environment
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Time
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Significant Conditions in the OE
Peacekeeping Forces
- International Peacekeeping Forces.
TO-DO: Description goes here Recent examples of peacekeeping forces with and international mandate include the forces of the UN mission in DATE Africa and the European Training Mission in DATE Africa.
- Regional Peacekeeping Forces.
TO-DO: Description goes here Recent examples of regional peacekeeping forces include the forces of the Regional Standby Force and the Regional Monitoring Group's Regional Economic Community Security Force.
See Also: TBD
Private Security Forces
- Corporate Private Security Forces.
Wealthy individuals and businesses may contract the services of corporate security forces. These forces are highly disciplined, organized and trained - recruiting mostly from former elite military and paramilitary forces. They are often used for high-end site and VIP security. They are capable of conducting small-unit, high-risk strikes with state-of-the-art equipment and vehicles. They have a significant intelligence and planning capability. While highly effective and fiercely loyal to their employer, they may have the propensity of over-aggression and risk extra-judicial actions. They may contract local security companies (see below) for mundane activities. Examples: Jaguar Integral Defence Services International (JIDSI).
- Private Security Companies.
Rampant crime and inadequate policing, particularly in the urban areas has led to the rise of numerous private security companies. These companies provide security services for businesses and individuals ranging from static guards to armed response teams. Guarded facilities will likely have barbed wire and monitored cameras. The guards themselves are variously uniformed, from simple reflective vests and caps to military-style garb. They will either be unarmed (batons, irritants) or have a variety of small arms. The quality and cost of the services may indicate the professionalism of responses and adherence to company rules of engagement. These guards are often well-regarded in the community and may have excellent situational awareness of local activities and dynamics, as well as those of the poorer areas from which they are often recruited. Note: Non-commercial "neighborhood watches" may exist, but are less likely to be armed or provocative.
See also: TC 7-100 Irregular Opposing Forces, Chapter 5, Noncombatants - Private Security Contractors
Non-Governmental Organizations
- TODO: list general types, roles; include camps
See also: TC 7-100 Irregular Opposing Forces, Chapter 5, Noncombatants - Nongovernmental Organizations
Hybrid Irregular Armed Groups
The variety of armed groups operating within the OE is indicative of its complex and dynamic political, economic, ethnic, and religious issues. Their structures are as diverse as their ideological drivers. Most are not pure insurgencies, guerrilla groups, or militias, but rather hybrids of all of these. The key differentiators of these groups is their relative mix of forces and the primary driver of their actions.
Violent Extremist Organizations. There are a number of international or transnational Higher Affiliated Violent Extremist Organizations (VEO) presently operating within the OE. Many of these groups have indigenous origins, but have since affiliated with external groups for support and identity. Others may have their origins outside of the OE and gained a foothold on the continent. These hybrid organizations have the capability to organize and execute high-impact attacks against public targets and may be able to mass to conduct semi-conventional operations across the OE.
Major known groups in the OE include Islamic Front in the Heart Africa (AFITHA) and Hizbul al-Harakat. The volatility of security situations across the OE allow rapid growth and morphing of extremist groups as they position for power and influence. Groups will change their tactics and affiliations to adapt to evolving country and regional dynamics.
Insurgencies. Whether motivated by political, religious, or other ideologies, these groups will promote an agenda of subversion and violence that seeks to overthrow or force change of a governing authority. The composition of these in the OE is almost always a hybrid of insurgent elements and guerrilla forces, depending on the locale, goals, and levels of support. They may act as the militant arm of a legitimate political organization. These groups will undermine and fight against the government and any forces invited by or supporting it. They are likely to target government security forces and even civilians to demonstrate force and create instability. They will conduct small operations, such as kidnapping, assassination, bombings, car bombs, and larger military-style operations. Examples: Amarian People’s Union, Free Tanga Youth Movement.
Separatist Groups. These groups consist mostly of former (losing) soldiers that fought in a previous revolution or coup. Rather than fighting to overthrow the current regime, their focus is to secure a territory and gain officially recognition. These groups will likely have widespread support in the controlled area and view government or external forces as the enemy. They may provide security for commercial or NGO movement for a fee or to curry favor. Separatists will be very protective of their designated borders and may react disproportionately to perceived incursions. Example: Pemba Island Native Army.
Ethnic or Religious Rebel Groups. Numerous conflicts that are highlight ethnic, linguistic, or religious differences have led to the development of ethnicity-focused armed groups. Some groups have developed in self-defense against such groups, then gone onto be violent themselves. Extreme passions of these groups have led to often brazen atrocities, causing massive waves of IDPs. Multiple UN interventions may have temporarily quelled the violence, but long-held grievances give life to renewed violence. These groups may conduct raids, extrajudicial killings, targeted killings of civilians, and summary executions. There have been reports of rebels luring villagers to their town center for execution, often throwing bodies into the village water source to spoil it. These groups may attempt to seize strategic routes to assert control and raise funds. Examples: Army of Justice and Purity (AJP) and Union of Peace for the Ziwa.
Local Armed Militias. These groups usually have a local focus and may be independent or supported by a local strongman. Their forces are mostly comprised of former soldiers or paramilitary who may have fought for the state, but now serve their own interests. They generally carry small arms, but may have additional capabilities, depending on the goals and support. Moderate factions of these groups may conduct demonstrations, vandalism to force political concessions, while more radical factions conduct small attacks, riots, sabotage to enforce a particular ideology. In rural areas, they may be heavily armed and appear almost like a guerrilla force. In urban centers, they may resemble a gang or an insurgent group. Examples: Mara-Suswa Rebel Army (MSRA), Kujengan Bush Militias.
See also TC 7-100.3 Irregular Opposing Forces, Chapter 2: Insurgents and Chapter 3: Guerrillas
Criminal Organizations and Activities
The often unstable economic and security situations across the continent have allowed criminal activity and corruption to flourish. Elsewhere in the world, corrupting and co-opting of government officials by criminal enterprises is usually to gain operating freedom. In the OE, such activities are competitive enablers, intended to gain access to internal and external markets. How these large-scale domestic criminal enterprises and international criminal manifest within the OE are characteristic of each country's circumstances and history.
Criminal enterprises may have a pronounced impact on military operations in the REGION OE. Dominant criminal elements may view external military forces as a threat to their territorial control, while less-powerful organizations may look to exploit shifts in security and rules of engagement to gain access to markets or power.
The main categories of organized criminal enterprises within the OE include:
- Drug Trafficking
- Human Trafficking & Forced labor
- Commodity Theft and Smuggling
- Illicit mining
- Oil theft, refining, and smuggling
- Protection Economies
- Criminal Gangs
See also TC 7-100.3 Irregular Opposing Forces, Chapter 4: Criminals
| DATE Pacific Quick Links . | |
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| Belesia | Political • Military • Economic • Social • Information • Infrastructure • Physical Environment • Time |
| Gabal | Political • Military • Economic • Social • Information • Infrastructure • Physical Environment • Time |
| North Torbia | Political • Military • Economic • Social • Information • Infrastructure • Physical Environment • Time |
| Olvana | Political • Military • Economic • Social • Information • Infrastructure • Physical Environment • Time |
| South Torbia | Political • Military • Economic • Social • Information • Infrastructure • Physical Environment • Time |
| Other | Non-State Threat Actors and Conditions |