Africa

DATE-Africa Overview map

The purpose of the Decisive Action Training Environment (DATE)-Africa is to provide the US Army training community with a detailed description of the conditions of four composite operational environments (OEs) in the African region. It presents trainers with a tool to assist in the construction of scenarios for specific training events but does not provide a complete scenario. DATE-Africa offers discussions of OE conditions through the political, military, economic, social, information, infrastructure, physical environment, and time (PMESII-PT) variables. This DATE applies to all US Army units (Active Army, Army National Guard, and Army Reserve) and partner nations that participate in DATE-compliant Army or joint training exercises.

Over NUMBER square miles comprise DATE-Africa, a varied and complex region which ranges from Lake Victoria in the west to the Indian Sea on its eastern coast. The region includes the fictional countries of Amari, Kujenga, Ziwa, and Nyumba. The region has a long history of instability and conflict; ethnic and religious factionalism; and general political, military, and civilian unrest. In addition to these internal regional divisions, outside actors have increasing strategic interests in the region. DATE-Africa thus represents a flashpoint where highly localized conflict can spill over into widespread unrest or general war.

(See also Using the DATE and TC 7-101 Exercise Design).

Key Points

• The countries in the region have experienced dramatic changes in governing regimes over the last few decades.
• Political, economic, and environmental changes have created societal pressures that spawn conflict between nations, political factions, international players, and potential threat actors.
• The complex tapestry of ethnic, tribal, linguistic and religious loyalties make diplomatic and military operations in the region difficult.
• US forces may be required to conduct operations in the region in a wide range of roles and will likely operate in a combined effort with other forces.

Discussion of the OEs within the DATE-Africa Operational Environment

Republic of Amari

Main article: Amari

Amari, with its capital at Kisumu, is a functioning and relatively stable democracy, receiving significant support from the US and other western countries. A new constitution, implemented seven years ago, has attempted to create a framework for better governance with good results. Ethnic and tribal tensions play out in multi-party politics, which has led to a history of electoral violence and distrust of the government. The last election, was uniquely free of the violence of past elections. Other concerns include border security, instability spillover from neighboring countries, regional competition for resources, and terrorism.

Republic of Ziwa

Main article: Ziwa

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Republic of Kujenga

Main article: Kujenga

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Democratic Republic of Nyumba

Main article: Nyumba

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Strategic Positioning

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Regional Views of the US

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Inter-OE Perceptions

	Amari	Ziwa	Kujenga	Nyumba
Amari
Ziwa
Kujenga
Nyumba

Regional PMESII-PT Overview

Political

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Regional Political Comparison

	Amari	Ziwa	Kujenga	Nyumba
Politics	Free, effective functioning democracy 2+ political parties Peaceful leadership changes	Open anocracy Troubled elections	Closed anocracy Pseudo-dictator/oligarchy	Not free Mock elections Dictator

Military

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Regional Military Comparison

	Amari	Ziwa	Kujenga	Nyumba
Military	Mostly integrated Professional, Good C2 Tier 2-3 @80% readiness Peacekeeping contributions Allows basing Ltd. force projection Mix of static mobile forces	Semi-integrated Semi-professional, Some C2 issues Tier 2/3 w/niche Tier 1 @70% No peacekeeping contributions Allows basing Minimal force projection Mostly static disposition	Unit-level segregation Range of professionalism, spotty C2 Tier 2/3 @ 60% readiness Ltd. peacekeeping contributions May allow basing/refugee camps Ltd. force projection Static/mobile mix	Service-level segregation (tribal/regional level) Corrupt, poor C2, Institutional warlordism Tier 3/4 @40% Basing by rare exception Ltd. force projection

Economic

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Regional Economics Comparison

	Amari	Ziwa	Kujenga	Nyumba
Economic	Up & coming economy agr/ind/ser mix mid-level corruption, some transparency Decent upward mobility	Burgeoning economy Industry-based (resources, manufacturing, mil-ind complex) subsistence agriculture Mid/high corruption	Incoate (attempting to diversify) Mining, refining, sustenance agriculture" Relatively high corruption Fresh water plays big role	Warlord powerbrokers Underdeveloped industrial, sustenance herding" High corruption, no regulation Banditry

Social

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Regional Social Factors Comparison

	Amari	Ziwa	Kujenga	Nyumba
Social	Health Care: Moderate Plus Religions: Good Christian/Muslim/Tribal Income per Capita: Middle Low $900-$3,700 Languages: English, French, Arabic, Swahili Human Rights: Moderate	Health Care: Moderate Religious Diversity: Good Muslim/Christian/Tribal Income per Capita: Low $900 or Less Languages: French, Arabic, Swahili, English Human Rights: Moderate	Health Care: Moderate Religions: Good Christian/Muslim/Tribal Income per Capita: Low $900 or Less Languages: English, Arabic, Swahili, French Human Rights: Moderate	Health Care: Low plus Religions: Poor Muslim/Christian/Tribal Income per Capita: Low $900 or Less Languages: Top Four Arabic, Swahili, English, French Human Rights: poor

Information

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Regional Information Environment Comparison

	Amari	Ziwa	Kujenga	Nyumba
Information	Good diverse, open media High INFOWAR capability Diverse INT capabilities Decent technology	GOV control/owned Strong growth of ICT Sector INFOWAR mixed Mixed INT Adopting modern technology Rapidly growing cell phone capability	Ltd. media (radio, WOM) gov/private mix Attempt at gov control - marginal effect Ltd. INFOWAR Ltd. INT (HUMINT, OSINT) Entry-level cell phone	Non-technical (WOM, radio) GOV media & control INFOWAR niche purchases Ltd. INT (HUMINT) Paid/foreign-supplied IMINT SATCOM phones only (elite)

Infrastructure

Main article: DATE Africa Regional Infrastructure

Regional infrastructure architecture diagram

African infrastructure is expensive. Tariffs for power, water, road, and communications are often more than double those paid elsewhere in the developing world. Long distances, low population densities, uneven governance and intraregional competition contribute to these added costs. A common characteristic of its development is the preference for more expensive rehabilitation over basic maintenance. The World Bank estimates that about 30 percent of Africa’s infrastructure requires rehabilitation – even more in rural and conflict-prone areas.

Despite the cost, both domestic and international players are keen to expand Africa’s infrastructure. For the most part, states control infrastructure systems but with a trend towards public-private partnerships (PPP). Development finance institutions provide the bulk of the financing, followed by domestic government financing. China is the single largest international financier and constructor of African infrastructure on a standalone basis, involved in 14% of the major infrastructure projects undertaken in 2015.

The typical African infrastructure project usually involves a consortium of non-African state development agencies, international government organizations, private financiers, and construction companies. Following the financing announcement, the subsequent spending or progress is hard to trace until the project is finally complete. In some cases, grand projects compete to the point where they lose their utility.

Developed infrastructure correlates with population density. Amari’s Nairobi, Kampala and Mombasa are the main cities and key nodes of the 800-mile Northern Transport Corridor, a road, rail, and pipeline network. Kujenga follows Amari in both population and infrastructure development, with the competing Central Corridor linking the Indian Ocean port of Dar Es Salaam with Lake Tanganyika and Ziwa’s capital, Mwanza on the southern shore of Lake Victoria. The major north-south transportation artery runs through Moyale in Nyumba, crossing into Amari just south of Isiolo, through Nairobi on to Mbeya, Kujenga in the south. Regional rivalries focus on providing Indian Ocean access to landlocked countries at the expense of strengthening this north-south trans-Africa route. Adding to this competition is the Lamu Port Express (LAPEX) Corridor, a planned southeast-northwest road/rail/pipeline corridor mainly within Nyumba connecting north central Africa with the Indian Ocean port of Lamu. Isiolo would serve as a transportation and refining hub.

Regional Infrastructure Comparison

	Amari	Ziwa	Kujenga	Nyumba
Infrastructure	"Have-use-fix"	"Have-use-don’t fix"	"Have-use-don’t fix"	Either had-degraded or never-had

See also: Amari Infrastructure, Ziwa Infrastructure, Kujenga Infrastructure, Nyumba Infrastructure

Physical Environment

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Regional Physical Environment Comparison

	Amari	Ziwa	Kujenga	Nyumba
Physical Environment	Arable land	Landlocked Smallest country	TBD	Difficult to grow

Time

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Regional Physical Environment Comparison

	Amari	Ziwa	Kujenga	Nyumba
Time	Mix of Mono & Poly	Mainly Poly	Poly	Poly

Significant Conditions in the OE

Peacekeeping Forces

• International Peacekeeping Forces.

TO-DO: Description goes here Recent examples of peacekeeping forces with and international mandate include the forces of the UN mission in DATE Africa and the European Training Mission in DATE Africa.

• Regional Peacekeeping Forces.

TO-DO: Description goes here Recent examples of regional peacekeeping forces include the forces of the Regional Standby Force and the Regional Monitoring Group's Regional Economic Community Security Force.

See Also: TBD

Private Security Forces

Main article: DATE Africa Private Security Contractors

• Corporate Private Security Forces.

Wealthy individuals and businesses may contract the services of corporate security forces. These forces are highly disciplined, organized and trained - recruiting mostly from former elite military and paramilitary forces. They are often used for high-end site and VIP security. They are capable of conducting small-unit, high-risk strikes with state-of-the-art equipment and vehicles. They have a significant intelligence and planning capability. While highly effective and fiercely loyal to their employer, they may have the propensity of over-aggression and risk extra-judicial actions. They may contract local security companies (see below) for mundane activities. Examples: Jaguar Integral Defence Services International (JIDSI).

• Private Security Companies.

Rampant crime and inadequate policing, particularly in the urban areas has led to the rise of numerous private security companies. These companies provide security services for businesses and individuals ranging from static guards to armed response teams. Guarded facilities will likely have barbed wire and monitored cameras. The guards themselves are variously uniformed, from simple reflective vests and caps to military-style garb. They will either be unarmed (batons, irritants) or have a variety of small arms. The quality and cost of the services may indicate the professionalism of responses and adherence to company rules of engagement. These guards are often well-regarded in the community and may have excellent situational awareness of local activities and dynamics, as well as those of the poorer areas from which they are often recruited. Note: Non-commercial "neighborhood watches" may exist, but are less likely to be armed or provocative.

See also: TC 7-100 Irregular Opposing Forces, Chapter 5, Noncombatants - Private Security Contractors

Non-Governmental Organizations

Main article: DATE Africa Nongovernmental Organizations

• TODO: list general types, roles; include camps

See also: TC 7-100 Irregular Opposing Forces, Chapter 5, Noncombatants - Nongovernmental Organizations

Hybrid Irregular Armed Groups

Main article: DATE Africa Non-State Threat Actors and Conditions

The variety of armed groups operating within the OE is indicative of its complex and dynamic political, economic, ethnic, and religious issues. Their structures are as diverse as their ideological drivers. Most are not pure insurgencies, guerrilla groups, or militias, but rather hybrids of all of these. The key differentiators of these groups is their relative mix of forces and the primary driver of their actions.

Violent Extremist Organizations. There are a number of international or transnational Higher Affiliated Violent Extremist Organizations (VEO) presently operating within the OE. Many of these groups have indigenous origins, but have since affiliated with external groups for support and identity. Others may have their origins outside of the OE and gained a foothold on the continent. These hybrid organizations have the capability to organize and execute high-impact attacks against public targets and may be able to mass to conduct semi-conventional operations across the OE.

Major known groups in the OE include Islamic Front in the Heart Africa (AFITHA), Hizbul al-Harakat, and the Army of Justice and Purity(AJP). The volatility of security situations across the OE allow rapid growth and morphing of extremist groups as they position for power and influence. Groups will change their tactics and affiliations to adapt to evolving country and regional dynamics.

Insurgencies. Whether motivated by political, religious, or other ideologies, these groups will promote an agenda of subversion and violence that seeks to overthrow or force change of a governing authority. The composition of these in the OE is almost always a hybrid of insurgent elements and guerrilla forces, depending on the locale, goals, and levels of support. They may act as the militant arm of a legitimate political organization. These groups will undermine and fight against the government and any forces invited by or supporting it. They are likely to target government security forces and even civilians to demonstrate force and create instability. They will conduct small operations, such as kidnapping, assassination, bombings, car bombs, and larger military-style operations. Examples: Amarian People’s Union, Free Tanga Youth Movement.

Separatist Groups. These groups consist mostly of former (losing) soldiers that fought in a previous revolution or coup. Rather than fighting to overthrow the current regime, their focus is to secure a territory and gain officially recognition. These groups will likely have widespread support in the controlled area and view government or external forces as the enemy. They may provide security for commercial or NGO movement for a fee or to curry favor. Separatists will be very protective of their designated borders and may react disproportionately to perceived incursions. Examples: Pemba Island Native Army, Other Separatist Group.

Ethnic or Religious Rebel Groups. Numerous conflicts that are highlight ethnic, linguistic, or religious differences have led to the development of ethnicity-focused armed groups. Some groups have developed in self-defense against such groups, then gone onto be violent themselves. Extreme passions of these groups have led to often brazen atrocities, causing massive waves of IDPs. Multiple UN interventions may have temporarily quelled the violence, but long-held grievances give life to renewed violence. These groups may conduct raids, extrajudicial killings, targeted killings of civilians, and summary executions. There have been reports of rebels luring villagers to their town center for execution, often throwing bodies into the village water source to spoil it. These groups may attempt to seize strategic routes to assert control and raise funds. Example: Army of Justice and Purity (AJP).

Local Armed Militias. These groups usually have a local focus and may be independent or supported by a local strongman. Their forces are mostly comprised of former soldiers or paramilitary who may have fought for the state, but now serve their own interests. They generally carry small arms, but may have additional capabilities, depending on the goals and support. Moderate factions of these groups may conduct demonstrations, vandalism to force political concessions, while more radical factions conduct small attacks, riots, sabotage to enforce a particular ideology. In rural areas, they may be heavily armed and appear almost like a guerrilla force. In urban centers, they may resemble a gang or an insurgent group. Examples: Mara-Suswa Rebel Army (MSRA), Kujengan Bush Militias.

Significant Non-State Threat Actors and Conditions in the OE, 2025

Group Name	Type	Country	Description
Amarian People’s Union (APU)	Insurgency	Amari	The Amarian People’s Union (APU) is the militant wing of the Amarian People’s Party (APP). The APU has openly espoused violent actions when political desired are unfulfilled. The APU’s members are predominantly hostile and would likely support enemies of Amari. The APU is responsible for numerous attacks against government facilities and military or police forces. They have also targeted Amari civilians whom they identify as “non-loyal.” The most common attacks include government posts or personnel, machines and power facilities, and civilian crops.
Army of Justice and Purity (AJP)	Guerrilla	Kujenga	Army of Justice and Purity (AJP) is a rebel group and heterodox Christian cult which operates in southern Kujenga and its surrounding countries. Originally known as the Truth Revival Movement and the Kujengan True Faith and Allegiance Army, its stated goals include establishment of multi-party democracy, distinct from Kujenga. Their leadership council has publicly expressed their goal of ruling according to their strict, non-traditional interpretations of selected portions of the Christian Bible, mixed with a heavy dose of anti-colonial rhetoric. While it is structured and functions like a military unit, members exhibit a cult-like reverence for its mysterious leader, "Messiah" Tomas Asari-Dokubo.
Civil Militias	Militia	Nyumba	Nyumban civil militia groups operate and thrive in conditions of state disintegration in areas with little or no state control. Many of the roving gangs will be younger, but groups of older men and possibly women may arm themselves to respond to threats. Civil militia groups are often organized along very narrow political lines, religious intolerance, and ethnic exclusion. The emergence of civil militia-controlled areas has created problems for border enforcement and the lucrative mining and tourism sectors.
Donya Syndicate	Criminal	Kujenga	The Donya Syndicate is the largest and most powerful cocaine trafficking organization in the region. Its primary operating base is in and around the Port of Dar es Salaam, although it operates processing and distribution nodes throughout Kujenga. Donya is the most stable and sophisticated of the groups to emerge from the drug turmoil of the 1990s – both within Africa and among central and South American suppliers.
Free Tanga Youth Movement (FTYM)	Insurgency	Kujenga	The Free Tanga Youth Movement (FTYM) is a separatist insurgency operating almost exclusively in the Tanga region of northeastern Kujenga. The historic occupants of the region have resisted their inclusion in Kujenga and have repeatedly petitioned the government to allow ceding their ancestral homeland to be with Lou Tribe kin to the north in Amari. The FTYM has claimed responsibility for numerous small attacks against government personnel and facilities in within Tanga and as far as Dar es Salaam. FTYM elements have been blamed for attacks on both regional and international peacekeepers. The FTYM can be extremely volatile and will be hostile to anyone they perceive as supporting Kujengan interest over theirs.
Hizbul al-Harakat	Violent Extremist	Nyumba	Hizbul al-Harakat, more commonly known as al-Harakat is a jihadist fundamentalist group based in central East Africa. Its leadership had previously pledged itself to the militant Islamist organization Al-Qaeda, but quarrels and interpersonal conflicts led to al-Harakat distancing itself from the group. Since then, the group has withdrawn from the major cities, controlling a few rural in the rough maintains of western Nyumba. The group describes its purpose as waging jihad against "enemies of Islam."
Hodari Cartel	Criminal	Amari	The Hodari Cartel is the largest and most powerful heroin trafficking organization in the region. Its primary operating base is in and around the Port of Mombasa, although it operates processing and distribution nodes throughout Amari. Limited, tense cooperation among other regional drug trafficking organizations may exist to minimize public or political backlash.
Islamic Front in the Heart Africa (AFITHA)	Violent Extremist	-Multiple	AFITHA is an Islamist militant organization which aims to overthrow the Amari government and institute an Islamic state. To that end, it is currently engaged in an anti-government campaign. As an affiliate of Al Qaeda in the Islamic Magreb (AQIM), it aligns its movement with AQIM’s broader goals to institute shariah (Islamic law) in all its areas of operation, although its operations in the region have been more practical than its northern component. Its operations in Amari, Ziwa, and northern Kujenga appear to be more focused on ridding the region of "Western impurities" than solely religious ideology.
Kujengan Bush Militias	Militia	Kujenga	The Udzungwa mountain range of central [Kujenga] is home to a number of violent gangs and militias. The most prominent are the Waaminifu Boys and the Antivurugu Militia. These groups often align themselves with an ethnic group or religious ideology, but their actions often betray this alignment. Bush militia groups are consistently involved in vicious territorial fights with little regard for the safety of local Kujengans. Constant fighting makes travel through the area dangerous–particularly at night. Bush militia groups and affiliated gangs routinely engage in banditry, raids, poaching, kidnapping, and drug trafficking and smuggling to sustain themselves.
Mara-Suswa Rebel Army (MSRA)	Militia	Amari	The Mara-Suswa Rebel Army (MSRA) is an aggregate of multiple rebel groups and militias in central Amari, west of Nairobi. The group is allegedly responsible for widespread violence and harassment throughout the region. They have also conducted attacks against tourists and villages in Kujenga and Ziwa. This group is known for brutality and has taken responsibility for attacks on tourists and traffic along secondary roads. Territorial fighting between rival factions has made travel in remote rural areas almost impossible - particularly at night, where sustained gunfire is a nightly occurrence.
Pemba Island Native Army (PINA)	Insurgency	Amari	The Pemba Island Native Army (PINA) is a low-level nativist insurgency, fighting for increased autonomy and relief from alleged Amarian oppression. Low-level violence and vandalism has been directed against Amari officials and BGC units tasked with providing security on the island. While PINA is largely bluster, radical elements break out and have attacked state forces and anyone they deem an “outsider.” The most violent acts usually follow pressing of Amari policies and BGC patrols.
Tajammu Militias	Militia	Nyumba	The Tajammu is a violent militia comprised of Nyumban Arab tribes and disaffected camel herding tribes of the Nyumban northern region. They are currently in conflict with Nyumban civil militias in central Nyumba and Hizbul al-Harakat elements in the Nyumban western region. They have been one of the main drivers of violence throughout the region.
Union of Peace for the Ziwa (UPZ)	Insurgency	Ziwa	Large pockets of these former regime loyalists and disaffected persons have developed into regions in which Ziwan government forces are consistently harassed and even attacked. UPZ forces have been blamed for and/or taken credit for attacks on tourists and government anti-poaching patrols in the Serengeti and northwestern regions. The most brutal violence occurred in the south, in which UPZ forces claimed responsibility for atrocities against mining operations with ties to the government.
Watasi Gang	Militia	Ziwa	The Watasi Gang is an extremely violent militia group operating in Ziwa's mountainous northeastern region. They have also been known to operate across the border in Amari as part of the Mara-Suswa Rebel Army. Watasi Gang members also routinely engage in banditry, raids, poaching, kidnapping, and drug trafficking or smuggling.

(More: DATE Africa Non-State Threat Actors and Conditions)

See also TC 7-100.3 Irregular Opposing Forces, Chapter 2: Insurgents and Chapter 3: Guerrillas

Criminal Organizations and Activities

Main article: DATE Africa - Criminal Activity

The often unstable economic and security situations across the continent have allowed criminal activity and corruption to flourish. Elsewhere in the world, corrupting and co-opting of government officials by criminal enterprises is usually to gain operating freedom. In the OE, such activities are competitive enablers, intended to gain access to internal and external markets. How these large-scale domestic criminal enterprises and international criminal manifest within the OE are characteristic of each country's circumstances and history.

Criminal enterprises may have a pronounced impact on military operations in the REGION OE. Dominant criminal elements may view external military forces as a threat to their territorial control, while less-powerful organizations may look to exploit shifts in security and rules of engagement to gain access to markets or power.

The main categories of organized criminal enterprises within the OE include:

• Drug Trafficking
• Human Trafficking & Forced labor
• Commodity Theft and Smuggling
• Illicit mining
• Oil theft, refining, and smuggling
• Protection Economies
• Criminal Gangs

See also TC 7-100.3 Irregular Opposing Forces, Chapter 4: Criminals